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h  r    Becomes  of  the  Unmarried  Mother? 


A  STUDY  OF  82  CASES 


BY 


ALBERTA  S.  B.  6yiBORD,  M.  D. 

Psychiatrist  Church  Home  Society 
Assistant  Physician  Boston  State  Hospital 


AND 


IDA  R.  PARKER 

Associate  Director  Research,  Bureau  on 

Social  Case  Work 


RESEARCH  BUREAU  ON  SOCIAL  CASE  WORK 

400  BOYLSTON  STREET,  BOSTON 

1922 


CONTENTS 

Introduction,  Alberta  S.  B.  Guibord,  M.  D 5 

|        n      »  >      |                        *"                            '       »  *' 

I 

Initial  Study,  Alberta  S.  B.  Guibord,  M.  D.. ..... .•: . .  .•. . '.  f'«  11 

A.  Mental  Examination   11 

B.  Personal  History   14 

C.  Physical  Examination    18 

D.  Family   History    20 

II 

Follow-up  Study,  Ida  R.  Parker 22 

Introduction    22 

Scope  and  Method  of  Investigation 22 

Plan  of  Report  Based  on  Two  Theories  of  Care. . .  23 

Division  Into  Groups  I,  II,  and  III 25 

History  Prior  to  Treatment 26 

Family    26 

Occupational    26 

SECTION  1 

Treatment 28 

Psychiatrist's  Examination  and  Recommendation . .  28 

Agency  Placement  31 

With  Relatives   32 

In  Employment 33 

For   Training    34 

Other  Services 36 

Marriage  Furthered  by  Agency 37 

Psychiatrist's  Examination  and  Recommendation . .  28 

Death    38 

Agency  Responsibility 38 


576168 


Adoption    38 

Giving  Child  to  Relatives 39 

Public  Care  39 

Supervision    40 

Analysis  of  Treatment 42 

'"'.,      SECTION  2 

•'  Subsequent  -History 46 

Mental  Condition 46 

Difficulties  Encountered  by  Mother  in  Keeping  Child  47 

Attitude  of  Relatives 49 

Helpful  to  Mother  in  Keeping  Child 49 

Instrumental  in  Causing  Separation 51 

Sex  Conduct  51 

Marriage  a  Help  in  Keeping  the  Child 51 

Irregular  Sex  Conduct  of  Group  I 52 

Marriage  of  Those  Separated  from  Child  ....  53 

Irregular  Sex  Conduct  of  Group  II 54 

Marriage  and  Sex  Irregularity  of  Group  III. .  55 
Marriage  and  Sex  Conduct  of  Groups  I,  II  and 

III     55 

Employment  Subsequent  to  Agency  Care 56 

Reasons  for  Separation  of  Mother  and  Child 57 

Adoption    57 

Death  of  Child 60 

Death  of  Mother   60 

Inadequate  Supervision  and  Its  Results 60 

Summary   63 

III 

General  Conclusions    69 

Tables  and  Charts  .                                       71 


WHAT  BECOMES  OF  THE  UNMARRIED  MOTHER? 

INTRODUCTION 

Motherhood  without  marriage  is  such  a  frank  departure 
from  the  social  code  of  civilized  peoples,  it  is  so  inevitably  linked 
up  with  the  idea  of  disgrace  we  cannot  wonder  that  the  most 
compelling  consideration  of  the  girl  who  finds  herself  in  this  ex- 
perience is  to  keep  it  a  secret.  Naturally  the  girl's  family  when 
cognizant  of  the  fact  has  the  same  -compulsion  to  conceal  it. 
The  social  worker  or  other  person  who  seeks  to  help  the  girl 
through  the  trying  time  of  confinement  and  subsequent  return  to 
community  life  is  virtually  bound,  in  the  interests  of  her  charge, 
to  abet  the  policy  of  secrecy. 

As  a  result  of  this  single  incentive  to  hide  the  experience^ 
from   the   world  and  to   foster  the   pretense  that  nothing  has 
happened,  the  unmarried  mother  as  such  soon  loses  her  identity 
even  to  those  who  have  known  her  most  intimately  during  her. 
period  of  storm  and  stress.     Except  for  an  occasional  case  known 
here  and  there  to  some  individual,  we  have  little  dependable  in- 
formation as  to  what  eventually  becomes  of  girls  who  have  borne 
a  child  without  sanction  of  law  or  church  and  without  even  a 
sign  of  recognition  from  the  partner  who  had  an  equal  share 
in  bringing  them  into  this  difficult  situation. 

We  can  of  course  readily  call  to  mind  from  the  books  of  our 
earlier  and  more  recent  reading  the  stories  of  the  after-lives  of 
unmarried  mothers.  But  these  accounts  have  been  deliberately 
worked  up  for  artistic  or  emotional  effect  on  the  reader.  Whether 
they  represent  the  facts  of  real  life  we  do  not  know,  because 
we  have  no  fund  of  information  with  which  to  compare  them. 
Do  girls  react  to  this  experience  by  desperate  recourse  to  in- 
fanticide as  Hettie  Sorrell  in  Adam  Bede,  by  suicide  as  Effie 
Bright  in  //  Winter  Comes,  by  stoical  withdrawal  from  the 
world  as  Hester  Prynne  in  The  Scarlet  Letter,  by  the  compara- 
tively easy  shifting  of  the  burden  to  someone  else  as  Noel  Pierson 
in  Saint's  Progress,  or  do  they  react  in  some  entirely  different 
way? 


The  agencies  and  institutions  who  have  dealt  with  unmar- 
ried mothers  for  years  have  as  yet  little  collective  information  to 
offer  on  this  subject.  Their  pressing  obligation  to  care  for  a 
constantly  incoming  stream  of  current  cases  leaves  them  little 
opportunity  to  follow  up  the  cases  that  have  passed  out  of  active 
care.  There  is  naturally  little  incentive  for  a  girl  to  seek  on  her 
own  initiative  to  continue  a  relationship  which,  however  accept- 
able it  may  have  been  at  the  time  of  her  extreme  need,  is  a  con- 
stant reminder  of  an  experience  which  she  wishes  to  forget  her- 
self and  to  have  others  forget.  Friendly  relations  between  indi- 
vidual workers  and  particular  girls  are  of  course  in  many  in- 
stances maintained  for  a  long  time.  Often  this  friendly  relation- 
ship is  the  strongest  influence  in  the  social  readjustment  of  the 
girl.  The  point  we  wish  to  make  is  that  there  has  not  been  any 
such  conscientious  and  scientific  attempt  to  discover  the  outcome 
or  the  effects  of  motherhood  without  marriage  as  there  has  been 
to  discover  its  causation. 

Yet  for  purely  practical  and  immediate  purposes  it  would 
seem  important  to  know  how  the  unmarried  mother  turns  out 
Today,  social  agencies  spend  largely  of  time,  money,  and  effort 
in  caring  for  these  girls.  Unquestionably  they  aim  to  do  the 
very  best  for  each  and  to  place  her  in  the  way  of  "making  good." 
Is  it  not  then  important  to  inquire  whether  or  not  she  does  "make 
good" — whether  the  plan  made  for  her  has  been  as  wise  and 
effective  as  possible,  or  whether  by  checking  up  the  outcome  with 
the  original  plan  it  might  not  be  possible  to  see  ways  of  improv- 
ing the  treatment  so  as  to  secure  a  greater  degree  of  success  in 
handling  later  cases?  This  much,  it  would  seem,  every  agency 
or  institution  ought  to  require  itself  to  do,  not  only  to  give  it  a 
scientific  pride  in  its  work  but  also  to  justify  its  claim  on  the 
public  for  support. 

But  there  is  a  deeper  reason  for  seeking  to  find  out  what  be- 
comes of  the  unmarried  mother ;  namely,  for  the  bearing  the  in- 
formation might  have  on  the  broad  social  question  of  unmarried 
motherhood  and  illegitimacy.  Whether  motherhood  without 
marriage  tends  to  have  ultimately  a  constructive,  a  destructive, 
or  no* apparent  effect  on  the  after-life  of  the  girl,  ought  to  have 
some  weight  in  the  appraisement  of  its  social  significance  and 

6 


hence  some  weight  in  the  determination  of  the  public  attitude 
and  the  public  policy  regarding  it.  The  public  attitude  today  is 
universally  condemnatory.  It  is,  to  be  sure,  not  a  deliberately 
reasoned  condemnation,  but  a  predetermined  mental  set.  With- 
out looking  at  the  evidence  in  the  case  it  automatically  stamps  the 
unmarried  mother  an  "unworthy  character."  This  mechanical 
condemnation  imposes  a  substantial  handicap  on  both  the  mother 
and  the  child  in  many  ways,  but  chiefly  in  that  it  operates  to  keep 
them  both,  more  particularly  the  child,  out  of  the  more  favorable 
conditions  of  living. 

With  the  question  of  the  illegitimate  child  as  such  this  paper 
has  no  special  concern.  It  will  be  touched  only  in  so  far  as  the 
history  of  the  child  is  bound  up  with  the  subsequent  history  of 
the  mother.  The  subject  has  been  dealt  with  by  others,  notably 
in  the  thoroughgoing  study  made  by  the  United  States  Children's 
Bureau,  1921,  Illegitimacy  As  a  Child  Welfare  Problem.  This 
study  shows  beyond  shadow  of  doubt  that  the  illegitimate  child 
has  not  an  equal  chance  physically,  morally,  or  mentally  with  the 
legitimate  child  to  grow  into  normal  adulthood.  Unquestionably 
the  handicap  which  the  illegitimate  child  carries  arises  out  of 
more  than  one  source,  but  one  of  the  most  apparent  is  the  con- 
demnatory attitude  which  society  holds  toward  the  unmarried 
mother  because  it  conduces  to  concealment  and  repudiation.  In 
all  probability  the  child's  handicap  will  not  be  lifted  until  the 
public  attitude  towards  the  mother  is  changed.  That  the  public 
attitude  should  be  changed  we  do  not  assert.  We  do  not  know 
whether  it  should  or  not;  but  whatever  the  public  attitude,  it 
ought  to  be  based  on  the  evidence  existing  today  rather  than  on 
prejudice  inherited  from  past  ages. 

The  first  step  toward  arriving  at  a  reasoned  attitude  is,  self- 
evidently,  to  examine  all  the  factors  involved:  to  find  out  first 
who  the  unmarried  mothers  are  and  then  how  they  react  to  the 
experience — how  they  turn  out  in  view  of  it.  To  find  out  who 
they  .are  is  comparatively  easy  because  of  the  physiological  crisis 
which  brings  them  all  to  a  state  of  helplessness  and  the  statutory 
requirement  which  lists  them  all  in  the  public  records.1  A  good 

1  Violation  of  this  statute  is  common  as  shown  in  the  study  of  the 
United  States  Children's  Bureau  already  cited. 

7 


; 


deal  of  data  on  this  subject  already  is  at  hand.  In  Kammerer's 
book,  The  Unmarried  Mother,  the  personal  histories  of  500  cases 
are  reported  in  considerable  detail.  In  the  Children's  Bureau 
study  the  personal  histories  of  nearly  one  thousand  cases  were 
reviewed  and  the  findings  tabulated.  The  following  is  quoted 
from  the  chapter  on  Conclusions,  p.  71,  of  this  publication: 
"*  *  *  a  large  number  of  cases  (unmarried  mothers)  come  from 
homes  in  which  there  is  poverty,  dependency,  alcoholism,  im- 
morality, absence  of  parental  supervision  or  even  in  some  in- 
stances encouragement  of  misconduct.  In  other  cases  she  had 
no  home  *  *  *  *.  Significant  also  are  lack  of  moral  training, 
ignorance  of  the  dangers  involved  in  disregard  of  the  safeguards 
that  'have  been  built  up  through  social  conventions,  and  too  great 
suggestibility  or  other  weakness  of  character.  One  of  the  gen- 
erally recognized  factors  in  delinquency  of  this  kind  is  mental  sub- 
normality  which  results  in  lack  of  judgment  and  self  control." 
Obviously  this  is  not  the  whole  story  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
there  are  some  unmarried  mothers  in  whom  none  of  the  enumer- 
ated factors  operate  and  conversely  not  all  girls  in  whom  they  do 
operate  become  unmarried  mothers.  Nevertheless,  it  is  safe  to 
say,  that  all  who  are  well  acquainted  with  the  subject  agree  in 
the  main  with  the  conclusion  quoted  as  to  who  the  girls  are  that 
carry  through  to  this  completed  phase  of  sex  delinquency :  not 
clear  visioned,  strong-willed  transgressors  who  deliberately  elect 
the  experience  for  themselves,  but  girls  who,  for  one  reason  or 
another,  lack  the  wisdom,  the  foresight,  and  the  self -directing 
power  to  keep  themselves  out  of  it;  or,  possibly  in  some  cases, 
girls  whose  moral  or  religious  scruples  forbid  them  to  interfere 
with  a  generative  process. 

To  find  out  how  the  unmarried  mother  turns  out  is,  for  the 
reason  already  pointed  out,  a  more  difficult  task.  It  can  readily 
be  seen  that  for  such  an  inquiry  to  have  scientific  value  it  should 
embrace  a  large  number  of  cases;  cover  a  long  period  of  time, 
enough  at  least  for  the  experience  to  have  exerted  its  maximum 
effect;  and  most  of  all,  it  should  take  into  account  only  those 
cases  who  have  been  previously  studied  and  about  whom  the  facts 
are  known  and  recorded  in  respect  to  personal  history,  family 
history,  and  physical  and  mental  make-up.  Without  such  initial 

8 


data  as  a  basis  for  comparison  it  would  be  very  difficult  to 
say  whether  a  girl  appeared  to  be  better,  worse,  or  unchanged 
after  the  experience.  Bearing  all  this  in  mind,  the  writers 
venture  to  offer  a  follow-up  study,  not  because  it  fulfils  all  the  re- 
quirements enumerated,  but  in  the  hope  that  even  a  small  study 
such  as  this  may  show  something  of  value  and  pave  the  way  to 
more  extensive  study  by  others. 

This  study  deals  with  82  unmarried  mothers  whose  babies 
were  born  during  the  period  between  November,  1914  and  July, 
1918.  The  mothers  were  distributed  at  this  time  variously  under 
the  care  of  two  private  maternity  homes,  four  private  social 
agencies,  and  one  private  obstetrical  hospital.  They  find  place  in 
this  study  because  they  were  all  brought  to  one  of  the  writers  for 
mental  examination. 

The  study  divides  naturally  into  two  parts:  (I)  The 
INITIAL  OR  INTRODUCTORY  STUDY  made  by  Dr.  Guibord  from  data 
obtained  at  the  time  of  the  mental  examination  directly  from  the 
girls  themselves  and  from  the  records  of  the  agencies  and  (II) 
the  FOLLOW-UP  STUDY  of  the  cases  introduced  in  part  I  made  by 
Miss  Parker  in  1921-22.  It  includes  an  analysis  of  the  methods 
of  the  social  management  or  treatment  of  the  mothers  and  the 
data  obtained  from  the  follow-up  investigation  five  years,  ap- 
proximately, after  the  birth  of  the  respective  children.  Each  part 
is  essentially  an  individual  writing,  therefore  opinions  expressed 
in  one  part  do  not  necessarily  bind  the  writer  of  the  other  part. 
A  summary  and  tables  at  the  end  aim  to  show,  (a)  the  present 
social  satus  of  the  subjects  as  compared  with  the  social  status  at 
the  time  of  the  pregnancy  with  which  this  paper  is  concerned, 
that  is  to  say,  whether  as  judged  by  social  criteria  they  are  better, 
worse,  or  the  same;  and  (b)  the  apparent  result  to  the  com- 
munity, that  is  to  say,  whether  by  the  occurrence  of  these  illegiti- 
mate pregnancies  the  community  has  been  injured  or  not  appre- 
ciably affected. 

This  study  fails  to  fulfil  the  requirements  of  scientific  value 
enumerated  above  in  the  following  particulars  :  ( 1 )  It  does  not 
embrace  a  large  number  of  cases;  furthermore,  the  group  is  in 
all  probability,  not  a  representative  one  for,  as  explained  later, 
the  girls  in  this  study  were  for  the  most  part  special  problem 

9 


cases.  (2)  It  does  not  cover  a  long  period  of  time,  five  years 
being  the  maximum  interval.  Yet  this  fact  undoubtedly  has  af- 
forded the  advantage  of  locating  a  larger  number  of  individuals 
than  would  have  been  located  had  the  follow-up  investigation 
been  longer  deferred.  Even  at  the  end  of  this  comparatively 
short  period  it  has  been  difficult  to  get  at  the  information ;  in  eight 
cases  it  has  been  impossible.  (3)  It  is  not  as  complete  in  all  par- 
ticulars of  the  initial  history  as  it  should  be,  more  especially  in 
the  items  of  family  history  and  physical  examination.  The  rea- 
son for  this  will  presently  appear. 


10 


I.     THE  INITIAL  STUDY 

The  initial  study  aims  to  supply  a  general  size-up  or  picture 
of  the  group.  It  does  not  purport  to  be  an  intensive  study 
of  the  unmarried  mother  or  of  the  etiology  of  motherhood  with- 
out marriage.  These  subjects  have  received  scientific  attention 
notably  in  the  study  of  Kammerer  and  that  of  the  Children's 
Bureau.  It  aims  merely  to  provide  the  necessary  background 
for  the  follow-up  presentation.  It  will  therefore  touch  in  as 
brief  and  condensed  a  manner  as  feasible  only  certain  features 
which  seem  to  have  direct  bearing  on  the  subsequent  reactions, 
namely:  (A)  the  mental  examination,  (B)  some  items  of  the 
personal  history,  (C)  the  physical  examination,  (D)  the  family 
history.  Summaries  or  tables,  with  comment  or  without,  will  be 
utilized  as  seems  most  conducive  to  clearness. 

A.     MENTAL  EXAMINATION. 

This  is  made  the  most  conspicuous  topic  of  the  initial  study 
because  of  its  relation  to  behavior,  because  in  this  particular  our 
records  are  most  nearly  complete,  and  because  mental  diagnosis, 
particularly  in  its  psychometric  aspect,  seems  to  provide  the  near- 
est approach  to  a  common  standard  for  estimating  the  subsequent 
career  of  the  subjects. 

The  mental  examination  was  sought  by  a  social  worker  of  the 
agency  that  had  the  girl  in  care  as  an  aid  to  a  better  understand- 
ing of  the  girl  in  the  hope  of  making  a  satisfactory  program  for 
her  future.  With  one  or  two  exceptions  the  examination  was 
sought  because  the  girl  in  question  was  a  particular  problem  in 
respect  to  some  difficulty  of  adaptation  at  the  moment,  some 
strikingly  atypical  personal  characteristic,  or  some  unusual 
feature  in  her  past  history.  It  will  therefore  be  seen,  as  has  been 
already  pointed  out,  that  this  is  a  group  of  special  cases. 

The  examination  was  made  for  the  most  part  at  the  ma- 
ternity home  or  the  hospital  in  which  the  girls  were  awaiting  con- 
finement or  soon  after  it  had  occurred.  A  few  were  examined 
at  the  psychiatrist's  office,  a  few  at  a  certain  out-patient  clinic. 
Examination  at  this  out-patient  clinic  was  very  soon  discon- 

11 


tinued  because  tl>e  delay  and  publicity  necessarily  entailed  were 
found, to  be  mentally  upsetting  to  the  subjects.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  .one. .girl  wlto  refused  test  and  one  who  was  incapable 
}>£cause -of  emotional  disturbance,  the  cooperation  in  the  mental 
examination  was  cordial. 

The  mental  examination  consisted  first,  of  determination  of 
the  intelligence  grade  by  the  Stanford  Revision  scale  of  tests  and 
in  some  cases  by  additional  special  tests;  and  second,  detection 
of  symptoms  of  aberrant  nature  commonly  known  as  psycho- 
pathic, and  including  for  our  purpose  both  psychoneurotic  and 
psychotic.  Definite  intelligence  grades  were  established  in  71  of 
the  82  cases.  In  11  cases  the  intelligence  grades  were  not  settled 
for  the  reasons  noted  in  the  table. 

The  mental  status  of  the  group  may  be  seen  from  the  follow- 
ing tables : 

1.  TABLE  SHOWING  DIAGNOSIS  OF  INTELLIGENCE   (I.  Q.) 
BASED  ON  THE  STANFORD  REVISION   SCALE  AND  CLASSIFICATION 

Intelligence   normal    (I.  Q.  105-90) 9   (12.6%) 

dull  normal...  (I.  Q.     89-80) 19(26.7%) 

borderline (I.  Q.     79-70) 20(28.1%) 

feeble-minded.  (I.  Q.     69-50) 34   (32.3%) ...  .71 

unclassified . . .  ( I.  Q.   not   determined) 11 

82 

Unclassified  (Because  of) 

Tested  by  different  scale   2 

Tests   inconclusive    8 

Psychotic    2 

Psychopathic 3 

Foreign  language    3 

Refused  cooperation  1 

11 

Highest    I.  Q 105 

Lowest     I.  Q 50 

Average  I.  Q 75 

2.  TABLE    SHOWING   DIAGNOSIS    OF  PSYCHIC    DISORDERS 

PSYCHOSES 4 

Dementia   praecox    2 

Alcoholic  psychoses   2 

PSYCHOPATHIC   CONDITIONS 4 

EPILEPSIES    3 

11 
12 


In  this  group  the  average  intelligence  is  seen  to  be  low  (I.  Q. 
75),  a  mental  age  of  12  years,  or  a  borderline  grade.  The  reader 
should  keep  in  mind  the  fact  that  the  scale  is  based  on  measure- 
ment of  unselected  school  children  whose  average  grade  is  100. 
The  percentage  of  feeble-minded  is  seen  to  be  strikingly  high 
(32.3%),  but  since  this  is  a  selected  group,  it  probably  shows  a 
higher  proportion  of  defectives  than  a  group  of  routine  cases 
would.  It  may  be  noted  in  passing,  however,  that  in  a  group  of 
91  girls  of  average  age  approximately  21  years  examined  by  the 
same  scale  in  1916-17  at  the  New  York  State  Reformatory  for 
Women  (Bedford),  the  percentage  of  feeble-minded  was  29.1%  ; 
borderline,  15.4%  ;  dull  normal,  20% ;  normal,  13.5%. 

As  for  the  mental  disorders  irrespective  of  the  intelligence, 
4  or  4.8%  were  actually  insane  and  committable.  Two  of  these 
were  among  the  oldest  of  the  group  and  were  alcoholic  habituates 
with  delusions  and  deterioration.  The  other  two  were  cases  of 
dementia  praecox,  one  afterwards  committed  to  a  state  hospital, 
the  other  diagnosed  at  a  state  hospital  and  placed  under  the  super- 
vision of  an  agency. 

Among  the  psychopathic  disorders  not  actually  insane  and 
committable  we  have  included  only  those  whose  make-up  and  re- 
actions were  so  markedly  characteristic  that  they  could  not  escape 
this  designation.  Briefly  described  they  were  as  follows:  (1)  Two 
emotionally  unstable  girls,  one  strongly  antagonistic,  paranoid, 
and  secretive.  Apparently  she  had  fair  intelligence,  though  it 
was  impossible  to  grade  her  with  certainty  because  of  resistance 
to  cooperation  in  tests.  She  had  earned  $10  at  housework,  and 
was  intermittently  efficient.  She  made  a  good  appearance  and 
said  she  had  formerly  taught  school.  Her  erratic  after-history 
will  be  touched  on  in  the  later  study.  (2)  The  other  girl,  of  good 
home  and  family,  had  left  school  at  the  beginning  of  High  be- 
cause of  a  nervous  breakdown.  Later  she  studied  music.  At 
the  time  she  came  to  our  attention  she  was  a  telephone  operator, 
having  been  in  the  same  position  five  years.  She  was  egotistical, 
flighty,  sensitive,  and  highly  emotional;  developed  convulsions 
during  the  birth  of  her  child,  and  died.  (3)  A  third  was  a 
psychopathic  inferior,  22  years  old,  of  dull  normal  intelligence,  of 
very  good  family,  but  absolutely  without  ability  to  manage  her- 

13 


self.  She  had  had  two  illegitimate  children  by  different  men 
prior  to  the  one  with  which  our  records  are  concerned.  (4)  The 
fourth,  a  refined  English  girl,  was  not  graded  by  intelligence  tests 
because  of  her  emotional  disturbance.  She  was  out  of  touch 
with  her  mother  and  seemed  quite  alone  in  this  country.  Little 
history  was  obtainable.  She  was  hysterical,  secretive,  and  de- 
pressed. The  epileptics  were  all  of  major  type ;  two  of  the  girls 
had  been  in  a  state  hospital  for  epileptics;  the  third  was  feeble- 
minded by  test.  Her  father,  she  said,  was  also  an  epileptic.  She 
had  previously  had  two  illegitimate  children  by  different  men. 

From  what  we  found  by  mental  examination  it  was  clear 
that  there  was  no  single  or  constant  distinguishing  feature  to 
account  for  the  experience.  Ranging  as  they  did  from  deeply 
feeble-minded  to  normal  intelligence,  from  actual  insanity  through 
varying  degrees  of  psychopathic  instabilities  and  irregularities,  to 
girls  of  relatively  balanced  commonsense,  it  was  evident  that 
there  was  no  open- sesame  either  to  the  explanation  of  the  prob- 
lem or  its  management,  but  that  each  girl  was  a  separate  problem 
requiring  individual  study,  interpretation,  and  treatment.  When 
we  could  differentiate  a  psychotic  entity,  a  pronounced  psycho- 
pathic constitution  or  an  actual  intellectual  defect,  it  gave  a 
plausible  and  probably  a  cogent  means  of  explaining  the  social 
shortcoming.  It  gave  also  a  definite  direction  to  the  outlining 
of  a  program  of  management.  But  many  girls  did  not  fall  into 
any  of  these  relatively  clear-cut  categories.  Yet  even  when  they 
did  not  there  was  often  a  mental  peculiarity,  easy  to  see,  but  diffi- 
cult to  describe;  a  kind  of  friendly  pliability  towards  the  world, 
a  tenderness  toward  themselves,  a  superficial  fore-shortened  out- 
look on  life.  Their  emotional  reaction  was  somehow  inadequate 
to  the  situation.  There  was  rarely  any  "righteous  indignation" 
toward  the  defaulting  partner,  nor  any  censure  of  themselves, 
but  rather  a  mild  submissiveness  as  if  they  had  little  active  re- 
sponsibility in  the  matter — a  pitying  rather  than  a  critical  attitude. 

B.     SOME  ITEMS  OF  THE  PERSONAL  HISTORY. 

1.     NATIONALITY 

Of  the  total  group  (82)  56  were  born  in  the  United  States,  9  in 
Ireland,  4  in  the  Maritime  Province,  3  in  Sweden,  2  in  England,  1  each 
in  Norway,  Finland,  and  Germany.  The  birthplace  of  5  was  unknown. 

14 


2.     AGE 

The  average  age  of  the  group  is  21,  the  oldest  35,  the  youngest 
years. 

There  were  7  aged  14  to  16 
11  "  16  to  18 
43  "  18  to  25 
21  "  over  25 

3.     EDUCATION 

Grammar    school    complete 8 

More  than  grammar  school 31 

Less  than  grammar  school 38 

Illiterate     2 

Data  uncertain 3 


High  school  graduates 5 

Commercial    course 3 

State    Industrial    School 2 

More  than  grammar  school  means  anything  from  a  few  months 
in  high  school  or  evening  school  to  full  graduation.  No  girl  had  more 
than  a  high  school  education. 

AGE   OF  LEAVING    SCHOOL 

19    .  1 

18    2 

17    8 

16 rgr 

15  .TT 

14  Ifr 

13  f 

12  1 

11  1 

10  0 

9  1 

Data  uncertain    21 


REASON  FOB  LEAVING  SCHOOL  (Girls'  Statement) 

To  work  39 

Tired  of  school   13 

(fell  behind  and  lost  interest) 

Pregnant    7 

Poor  health  3 

To  help  at  home  7 

"Persecution  of  teacher"   1 

Data  uncertain    12 


15 


Lack  of  education  as  a  contributory  factor  to  motherhood 
without  marriage  is  probably  subsidiary  to  intellectual  endow- 
ment. It  will  be  noted  that  5  of  our  girls  had  completed  high 
school.  Special  vocational  training  would  have  been  valuable  to 
many  who,  because  of  limited  intellectual  endowment,  found 
grade  work  irksome  and  left  school  to  go  to  work  in  spite  of  our 
"14  year"  law.  Without  adequate  social  supervision,  under  the 
strain  of  competition  and  criticism,  and  subjected  to  temptations 
they  could  not  understand  or  withstand,  they  became  easy  sex 
victims  of  men  and  boys  of  their  own  type  or  even  those  of  better 
intelligence  who  could  not  understand  that  minds  are  often  much 
younger  than  bodies.  The  mental  defectives,  except  for  the 
foreign  girls,  could  have  been  detected  in  the  public  schools  if 
facilities  for  examination  had  existed.  Fortunately,  with  the 
present  provision  for  examination  of  retarded  school  children,  we 
ought  presently  to  see  a  diminution  in  the  number  of  feeble- 
minded unmarried  mothers,  if  the  special  training  and  the  social 
supervision  recommended  by  the  school  psychiatrists  are  carried 
out. 

4.    OCCUPATION 

Not  gainfully  employed  10 

No  occupation    3 

Attending  school  6 

Housewives   1 

Professional   persons    p. . . .  0 

Clerks  and  kindred  workers  %**  • ;  vtV  *•••!* 

Bookkeepers,   cashiers,    stenographers,    typewriters..^.^.  )T.' 4 

Clerks   (except  clerks  in  stores)    I* 2 

Clerks  in  stores  and  saleswomen   3 

Messenger,  bundle  and  office  girls 1 

Telephone  and  telegraph  operators   4 

Semiskilled  workers  30 

Dressmaker  and  seamstresses  (not  in  factory) 2 

Laundry  operatives    4 

Nurses    (not  trained)    0 

Semiskilled  factory  operatives  24 

Other 0 

Servants     28 

Charwomen,  cleaners,  laundresses    1 

Waitresses   4 

Domestic   servants    22 

Other  (child  governess )    1 

Other     0 

82 
16 


Comment  on  the  occupations1  of  the  subjects  is  omitted  here  be- 
cause it  is  fully  dealt  with  in  the  follow-up  study. 

5.     LIVING  PLACE  AT  TIME  OF  PREGNANCY 

Own  home   48 

Good    12 

Fair   23 

Poor  13 

Boarding  or  lodging  house 9 

Working  in  families  25 

6.     MARTIAL  STATUS  AT  TIME  OF  PREGNANCY 

Previously  married  (divorced  2;  separated  2) 4 

Unmarried     78 

82 
7.     NUMBER  OF  PRESENT  PREGNANCY 

First    62 

Second    17 

Third     3 

8.  STATUS  OF  GIRLS'  PARENTS  AT  TIME  OF  PREGNANCY 

FATHER 

Living     48 

Deserted   2 

Divorce  or  legal  separation  5 

Dead    22 

Identity  unknown   (unmarried  mother  illeg.) 4 

Data  incomplete   8 

82 

MOTHER 

Living     55 

Deserted     : 2 

Divorce  or  legal  separation  5 

Dead    19 

Data  incomplete    8 

82 

LOSS   OF  EITHER   OR   BOTH   PARENTS   BEFORE   13TH   BIRTHDAY 

Of  Father  Of  Mother  Both 

By  death   12                    10  1 

By  desertion  2 

By  divorce  or  legal  separation        5 

Surrender    1  1 

Fact  of  being  illegitimate 4                     2  2 

23  13  4  40 


1  Classification  as  used   in  "Illegitimacy  as  a   Child-Welfare   Pro- 
blem", part  2,  p.  122. 

17 


I/ 


9.     BROTHERS  AND  SISTERS 

None   (only  child)    8 

1—12      68 

Information  uncertain 6 

82 

No  history  of  delinquency  , .25 

History  of  delinquency  in  *. 15 

Information  uncertain  42 

82 

C.     PHYSICAL  EXAMINATION. 

Systematic  and  complete  physical  examination  was  not  at 
the  time  our  cases  were  under  care  (1914-18)  a  routine  pro- 
cedure with  all  of  the  agencies.  Records  of  findings  were  rarely 
uniform  or  complete  even  when  complete  physical  examination 
had  been  made,  therefore  when  reviewed  yielded  little  of 
diagnostic  value.  The  importance  of  the  physical  condition  was 
not  overlooked,  but  it  was  considered  more  for  its  use  in  the 
immediate  management  of  the  case  than  for  its  more  general 
scientific  import.  Most  of  the  agencies  at  that  time  were  settling 
the  questions  of  syphilis  and  gonorrhea  by  having  laboratory 
tests  made  and  were  making  practical  use  of  the  information,  but 
the  results  were  not  always  definitely  and  accurately  recorded. 
At  the  time  of  the  mental  examination  it  was  not  often  possible 
or  practicable  to  put  the  girl  through  a  physical  examination,  but 
an  attempt  was  made  in  all  cases  to  size  up  the  general  physical 
condition:  heart  and  lungs  were  examined  and  vision  and  hear- 
ing if  defects  were  suspected.  Neurological  examinations,  more 
or  less  complete,  were  frequently  made. 

Judging  from  such  data  as  we  have,  we  should  say  that  the 
physical  make-up  and  health  of  the  girls  in  this  study  average 
up  very  well  with  that  of  other  girls  in  similar  social  setting  and 
considerably  better  than  a  group  of  girls  whose  average  age  was 
also  21  years,  studied  in  a  state  reformatory,  1913-1 5. 1  There 
were  a  few  cases  of  anemia  and  poor  nutrition  and  some  with 

1  "Physical  State  of  Criminal  Women",  by  Alberta  S.  B.  Guibord, 
M.  D.,  Journal  of  the  American  Institute  of  Criminal  Law  and  Crimi- 
nology, Vol.  8,  No.  1,  May,  1917. 

18 


minor  orthopedic  defects,  visual  defects,  naso-pharyngeal  ob- 
structions, poor  teeth,  etc.,  but  there  were  also  a  few  cases  of  ex- 
cellent physical  make-up  and  health.  Seven  girls  had  positive 
Wassermann,  and  several  had  positive  gonorrhea  tests ;  but  since 
these  records  were  not  complete  for  the  entire  group  the  figures 
indicate  the  minimum  only  of  venereal  infection.  Stigmata  of 
degeneracy  were  present  about  as  we  meet  them  in  a  general 
population,  and  as  far  as  we  could  see  without  any  special  rela- 
tion to  the  mental  status,  except  one  feeble-minded  subject  (I.  Q. 
57)  who  had  bilateral  coloboma  with  marked  visual  defect. 

We  quote  from  the  records  made  at  the  time  of  mental  ex- 
amination (April  5,  1917)  for  an  illustration  of  one  of  the  poorest 
physical  specimens,  a  girl  of  16  years  who  graded  in  the  upper 
range  of  feeble-minded.  "A  pathetic  half-starved  looking  girl  *  * 
pale,  anemic,  haggard,  stoop  shouldered,  looks  as  if  she  had  never 
had  a  square  meal."  Her  father  was  alcoholic  and  deserted  the 
mother  who  had  to  go  to  work  to  support  five  children  in  a  poor 
slum  district.  Girl  left  school  at  14  and  went  to  work  in  a  shoe 
factory  to  help  support  the  family.  Later  she  went  to  work  in 
a  plumber's  shop  at  $5  a  week  and  very  shortly  became  pregnant 
by  her  employer,  a  man  45  years  of  age.  The  girl  was  barely 
able  to  stand  when  she  left  the  hospital,  but  refused  to  remain 
there  or  to  accept  convalescent  care.  The  outcome  of  this  case 
will  be  specially  noted  in  the  follow-up.  We  also  quote  from  the 
records  to  illustrate  one  of  the  best  physical  specimens.  "A 
splendid  physical  make-up — without  discoverable  physical  defect 
and  in  glowing  health." 

Whatever  relation  physical  status  may  have  to  the  incidence 
of  pregnancy  outside  of  marriage,  through  lessening  inhibitions 
and  initiative  or  through  conducing  to  premature  and  uncon- 
trolled sex  expression,  the  discovery  of  it  is  not  likely  to  be  at  or 
near  the  time  of  confinement  when  the  whole  physiological  ma- 
chinery is  running  in  an  exceptional  way.  The  relation  of 
physical  condition  to  the  social  readjustment  of  the  unmarried 
mother  is  of  course  very  important.  The  agencies  appear,  for 
the  most  part,  to  take  this  into  account  and  to  provide  for  their 
girls  the  best  possible  condition  of  health  before  permitting  them 
to  go  into  the  community. 

19 


D.     FAMILY  HISTORY. 

In  its  bearing  on  the  occurrence  of  motherhood  without 
marriage  family  history  obviously  has  the  usual  implications: 
(1)  The  hereditary  aspect,  in  this  case  presumably  a  predisposi- 
tion to  irregular  sex  expression  or  perhaps  other  modes  of  anti- 
social behavior;  (2)  the  environmental  aspect,  or  the  general  set- 
ting of  the  home  and  the  social  and  moral  ideals  and  practices 
of  the  family. 

In  examining  the  records  of  the  family  history  of  the  cases 
two  defects  were  met :  First,  the  failure  to  account  for  all  mem- 
bers of  a  family;  and  second,  the  misleading  custom  in  case- 
taking  of  recording  pathological  and  adverse  items,  while  omit- 
ting the  normal  and  favorable  ones.  Some  interesting  facts 
appear  in  the  family  histories:  of  the  girls  in  the  study,  4  were 
themselves  known  to  be  illegitimate;  1  had  a  mother  who  was 
known  to  be  illegitimate;  7  had  sisters  with  at  least  one 
illegitimate  child.  Information  is  lacking  as  to  how  many  fathers 
or  brothers  were  of  illegitimate  birth,  or  how  many  fathers  and 
brothers  were  themselves  the  fathers  of  illegitimate  children. 
There  occur  frequently  statements  about  various  members  of  the 
families  of  "low  grade  mentality,"  "sex  offender,"  "criminal 
record,"  etc.  There  are  also  some  statements,  not  as  many,  of 
"intelligent,"  "self-respecting,"  etc.  Much  intensive  investiga- 
tion of  family  records  is  necessary  before  anything  of  the  hered- 
itary aspect  of  illegitimacy  can  be  known.  Without  regard  to  its 
explanation,  we  note  merely  for  its  passing  interest  that  in  re- 
spect to  bearing  children  out  of  wellock  there  is  a  slight  evidence 
of  similarity  of  reaction  in  sisters  of  our  girls — whether  more 
than  a  mere  chance  occurrence  cannot  be  concluded  from  so  small 
a  number  of  cases.  What  has  to  be  noted,  however,  as  more 
than  a  coincidence,  is  the  high  proportion  of  "poor  homes"  and 
lack  of  wise  parental  guidance.  Poor  homes  do  not  necessarily 
imply  the  lack  of  material  things,  though  that  too  is  frequent; 
but  that  the  spirit  of  home  is  lacking — the  atmosphere  which 
makes  a  young  person  feel  "at  home'*  and  contented  in  her  own 
home,  and  at  the  same  time  endows  her  with  good  character  and 
social  and  moral  standards.  A  glance  at  our  tables  shows  that 

20 


48,  a  trifle  more  than  half,  were  living  in  their  own  homes  at  the 
time  of  the  occurrence  of  pregnancy;  of  these  48  only  12  were 
reckoned  as  having  good  homes.  Twenty-five  were  working  as 
domestics  in  families,  a  situation  which  proverbially  provides  little 
"at  home"  feeling. 

The  foregoing  sketchy  presentation  of  the  initial  study  ob- 
viously omits  many  important  points  germane  to  the  incidence  of 
unmarried  motherhood  such  as  religious  influences,  recreational 
facilities,  sex  education,  and  certain  innate  characteristics  more 
particularly  proclivity  to  sex  expression.  The  relation  of 
these  various  influences  is  not  overlooked,  but  without  more  com- 
plete data  than  is  at  hand  in  our  records  it  would  be  useless  to 
introduce  the  subject  at  all.  One  conspicuous  omission  must  be 
especially  commented  on,  namely  the  partner,  or  the  male  factor 
involved  in  the  unmarried  motherhood  experience.  The  in> 
portance  of  this  aspect  of  the  subject  is  self-evident.  With 
7  of  the  girls  under  16  years  of  age,  the  statutory  age  of  consent 
in  Massachusetts,  it  is  inevitable  that  the  case  records  in  this 
study  should  show  a  good  deal  of  data  regarding  the  partner. 
In  fact  it  is  just  the  preponderance  of  data  that  seems  to  make  it 
impracticable  to  introduce  the  subject  here.  The  material  could 
be  suitably  presented  only  in  a  separate  paper. 


21 


II.     FOLLOW-UP  STUDY 
INTRODUCTION 

It  has  already  been  indicated  that  Part  II  of  this  study 
will  be  devoted  to  a  presentation  of  the  facts  obtained  by  follow- 
ing up  at  the  expiration  of  a  period  varying  from  three  to  five 
years  these  82  women  whose  mental  status  was  determined  by 
psychiatric  examination,  and  who  became  illegitimately  pregnant. 
A  consideration  of  the  social  readjustment  of  the  mother  neces- 
sarily includes  the  fate  of  the  child  with  whom  her  life  is  so  in- 
extricably woven. 

For  the  purpose  of  .this  study  the  term  "unmarried  mother" 
will  designate  those  who  became  pregnant  without  marriage,  those 
who,  although  married,  became  pregnant  by  someone  other  than 
the  husband,  and  those  formerly  married  who  had  been  divorced. 

SCOPE  AND  METHOD  OF  INVESTIGATION 

As  Dr.  Guibord  has  pointed  out  these  were  selected  cases  in 
as  much  as  each  presented  some  special  problem  which  prompted 
the  social  agency  to  seek  psychiatric  advice  as  an  aid  in  planning 
a  satisfactory  program  for  the  future. 

The  social  study  is  based  upon  analysis  of  the  information 
obtainable  from  case  records  and  from  social  workers  who  have 
known  these  mothers.  In  this  way  not  only  the  agency  which  re- 
quested the  mental  examination  but  more  than  a  dozen  others 
located  in  four  states  have  been  called  upon  for  assistance. 
Family,  child-placing  and  medical  agencies,  maternity  homes, 
probation  and  parole  departments,  public  and  private  organiza- 
tions alike,  have  shown  an  understanding  of  the  purpose  of  the 
study  and  a  splendid  spirit  of  cooperation.  The  facts  of  history 
subsequent  to  agency  care  were  secured  by  the  organization  re- 
sponsible for  the  case  at  the  time  of  mental  examination  or 
through  its  cooperation. 

In  collecting  data  only  those  sources  were  consulted  which 
were  known  to  have  been  cognizant  of  the  fact  of  the  illegitimate 
pregnancy.  In  this  way  the  stories  of  these  unmarried  mothers 

22 


have  not  been  spread.  No  mother,  child,  or  family  has  been  in- 
jured by  this  study.  While  by  this  method  it  was  in  some  in- 
stances impossible  to  secure  all  the  facts  which  would  have  been 
helpful,  it  was  considered  fairest  to  all  concerned. 

PLAN  OF  REPORT  BASED  ON  Two  THEORIES  OF  CARE 

Special  emphasis  is  laid  in  this  report  on  two  points :  First, 
the  treatment  given  these  mothers  by  social  agencies  because  of 
its  supposed  influence  on  the  outcome ;  second,  the  histories  subse- 
quent to  care  by  the  agencies.  It  is  hoped  by  comparing  outcome 
with  original  plans  that  some  estimate  of  the  merit  of  the  methods 
used  in  dealing  with  the  unmarried  mother  may  result.  . 

Those  who  best  know  the  problem  are  not  in  agreement  as 
to  the  value  of  helping  the  mother  to  keep  her  child.  On  the  one 
hand  there  are  those  who  believe  that  the  unmarried  mother 
should  do  this ;  they  feel  that  carrying  the  responsibility  which  a 
mother  has  for  her  offspring,  legitimate  or  illegitimate,  is  her 
right  and  duty  and  should  not  be  surrendered  except  for  grave 
reasons ;  that  the  illegitimate  child,  like  the  legitimate,  has  a  right 
to  its  natural  mother's  care  and  should  not  be  deprived  of  a  second 
parent  because  it  has  the  misfortune  to  be  born  without  a  legal 
father.  They  rely  upon  the  maternal  instinct  to  develop  and 
strengthen  the  mother's  character.  On  the  other  hand  there  are 
those  who  hold  that  permanent  separation  serves  the  best  interests 
of  mother  and  child.  They  claim  that  adoption  of  the  illegitimate 
child  removes  the  stigma  with  which  it  is  born  and  gives  it  an 
opportunity  for  such  normal  development  as  it  could  never  have 
with  its  natural  mother,  while  it  allows  the  mother  to  live  down 
her  transgression  free  from  its  visible  evidence.  Miss  Plows-Day 
in  her  "Reasons  for  Advocating  Adoption  for  Illegitimate  Chil- 
dren," says  "the  mother  should  be  taught  the  necessity  of  re- 
nouncing and  inspired  to  be  willing  to  sacrifice  her  claim  of 
motherhood,  for  the  benefit  of  her  child.  *  *  *  During  my  twenty 
years'  work  none  of  the  mothers  whom  I  have  helped  to  be  re- 
lieved of  the  burden  of  the  support  and  complications  which  an 
illegitimate  child  entails  has  had  a  second  or  third,  but  all  of 
those  who  have  had  second  or  third  children  have  been  those  who 
were  trying  to  support  their  illegitimate  child,  whether  it  was  the 

23 


first,  second  or  third."1  Since  any  large  amount  of  evidence  to 
support  the  efficacy  of  either  theory  is  lacking,  what  becomes  of 
the  unmarried  mothers  of  this  study  has  been  considered  in  the 
light  of  whether  they  have  kept  the  child  or  whether  they  have 
been  permanently  separated  from  it.  An  effort  has  been  made  to 
compare  the  mothers  who  have  carried  their  responsibility  with 
those  who  have  surrendered  or  been  relieved  of  it  with  a  view 
to  determining  which  mother  makes  the  more  successful  social 
readjustment.  Has  the  mother  who  has  kept  her  child  developed 
more  strength  of  character,  lost  some  of  that  "mild  submissive- 
ness"  spoken  of  by  Dr.  Guibord  and  made  a  better  recovery  from 
her  experience  than  the  girl  who  has  renounced  "her  claim  of 
motherhood"  ?  Have  we  put  too  much  emphasis  on  keeping  to- 
gether or  parting  mother  and  child? 

The  phrase  "kept  the  baby"  is  used  in  this  report  to  mean  the 
retention  by  the  mother  of  the  responsibility  for  the  child.  The 
responsibility  may  be  moral  or  legal  or  both.  Therefore  the 
child  kept  by  the  mother  may  have  remained  with  her  continu- 
ously or  have  been  placed  away  from  her  a  part  or  all  the  time 
since  birth.  The  point  is  there  exists  a  present  assumption  of  re- 
sponsibility and  a  reasonable  possibility  of  a  further  strengthen- 
ing of  the  tie  between  mother  and  child. 

The  phrase  "not  kept  the  baby"  is  defined  as  permanent 
separation  of  mother  and  child  such  as  is  caused  by  death,  legal 
surrender,  or  such  circumstances  as  give  no  reasonable  likelihood 
of  the  mother  reassuming  responsibility.  Those  mothers  who 
from  the  first  determined  to  be  rid  of  the  baby;  those  who 
preferred  to  keep  it  but  were  persuaded  by  agency,  relatives,  or 
friends  to  part  with  it ;  those  who  struggled  to  retain  it  but  were 
forced  to  give  it  up  by  circumstances  beyond  their  control ;  those 
who  lost  the  baby  by  death;  and  the  2  mothers  who  died,  1 
immediately  after  child  birth,  and  1  when  the  baby  was  18 
months  old,  are  included  here.  Most  cases  clearly  belong  in  one 
or  the  other  classification,  but  there  are  some  which  demand 

1Miss  Plows-Day's  "Reasons  for  Advocating  Adoption  for  Illegiti- 
mate Children,"  placed  before  the  Departmental  Parliamentary  Com- 
mittee sitting  to  consider  the  subject  of  adoption  with  a  view  of  form- 
ulating a  bill  legalizing  it.  London,  December  5,  1920. 

24 


special  mention.  The  most  extreme  example  of  "keeping  the 
baby"  under  this  definition  is  the  following :  A  mother  has  con- 
tented herself  with  corresponding  with  the  woman  with  whom 
she  placed  the  child  at  board  when  a  few  weeks  old  and  sending 
articles  of  clothing.  She  has  never  visited,  but  forces  the  child's 
father  to  pay  the  board.  She  has  made  no  effort  to  have  the 
child  adopted  or  to  shift  the  care  to  an  agency.  Her  inclusion 
in  this  class  hinges  on  the  fact  that  though  her  interest  is  largely 
negative,  this  mother  recognizes  a  responsibility.  On  the  other 
hand,  2  mothers  placed  the  child  with  a  public  agency  expecting 
to  reassume  the  care  at  some  future  time.  Their  mental  condi- 
tion is  such  that  the  probability  of  their  carrying  their  own  burden 
is  very  remote.  These  mothers  are  considered  as  separated  from 
the  child. 

DIVISION  INTO  GROUPS  I,  II,  AND  III 

For  purposes  of  study  on  the  lines  indicated  the  82  mothers 
have  been  placed  in  three  groups:  Group  I,  composed  of  those 
who  have  kept  the  baby;  Group  II,  of  those  who  have  been 
separated  from  it ;  and  Group  III,  made  up  of  those  mothers  whose 
disappearance  with  the  child  has  made  it  impossible  to  determine 
whether  they  have  kept  it.  Comparison  of  these  groups  shows 
several  things:  First,  41  mothers — exactly  half  the  total  num- 
ber— are  known  to  have  kept  the  child;  34  including  2  mothers 
who  have  died,  to  have  been  separated  from  it;  7  mothers  to 
have  disappeared  with  it.  Second,  two-thirds  of  all  those  of 
normal  intelligence  and  nearly  three-fourths  of  those  of  dull 
normal  intelligence  kept  the  child ;  so  also  did  approximately  half 
the  feeble-minded  and  the  borderline.  The  3  mothers  with 
epilepsy,  the  2  with  dementia  praecox,  and  3  of  the  4  psycho- 
neurotics  are  in  Group  II.  All  of  Group  III  are  below 
dull  normal,  4  of'  them  feeble-minded.  Third,  about  two- 
thirds  of  the  girls  whose  education  was  the  equivalent  of  more 
than  grammar  school  are  in  Group  I,  and  also  slightly  more  than 
one-half  of  those  whose  education  was  the  equivalent  of  less  than 
grammar  school.  No  member  of  Group  III  had  as  much  as 
grammar  school  education.  For  62,  about  three-fourths  of  all 
the  mothers  in  this  study,  this  was  probably  the  first  illegitimate 

25 


pregnancy.     Nearly  one-half  of  these  are  known  to  have  kept  the 
child. 

HISTORY  PRIOR  TO  TREATMENT 

Family.  The  material  at  hand  concerning  the  family  his- 
tories of  these  82  mothers  but  adds  to  the  data  dealt  with  in  the 
studies  previously  mentioned.  The  more  one  knows  concerning 
the  stock  from  which  these  girls  came  and  the  conditions  under 
which  they  lived,  the  easier  it  is  to  understand  how  they  became 
unmarried  mothers. 

As  treatment  is  considered,  the  facts  of  family  history  should 
be  borne  in  mind  as  showing  with  what  sort  of  human  material 
the  agencies  had  to  deal.  Only  8  girls  became  pregnant  while 
living  in  their  own  home  in  which  both  parents  were  living  and 
maintaining  standards  of  self-support  and  decency  and  providing 
reasonable  opportunities  for  the  normal  development  of  their 
children.  One  is  struck  by  the  fact  that  so  many  were  living 
away  from  home — almost  half  of  the  whole  number — until  one 
looks  for  explanation.  Many  of  these  homes  were  broken  by  the 
death  of  one  or  both  parents,  by  divorce  or  separation,  by  deser- 
tion, or  were  made  abnormal  by  alcohol,  immorality,  non-support, 
defective  intelligence,  mental  or  physical  disease.  Four  of  these 
young  mothers  were  themselves  illegitimate;  2  of  them  had 
been  kept  by  their  respective  mothers ;  each  of  these  girls  in  turn 
kept  her  child.  In  the  other  2  cases  one  mother  was  brought 
up  by  relatives  from  birth,  and  the  other  was  twice  adopted  and 
completely  lost  her  real  identity.  Numerous  other  instances  exist 
of  irregular  sex  conduct  on  the  part  of  parents  and  siblings  of 
these  girls.  On  this  point  Dr.  Kammerer  says,  "It  is  probable 
that  among  the  most  contaminating  of  all  experiences  which  a 
young  girl  may  go  through  short  of  actual  physical  intercourse 
is  that  produced  by  the  knowledge  and  sight  of  paternal  im- 
morality."1 

Occupational.  The  majority  of  these  mothers  were  poorly 
equipped  for  industrial  life.  This  is  not  surprising  when  it  is  con- 
sidered that  the  average  intelligence  quotient  was  below  75,  that 

1  Kammerer,    Percy    Gamble:    "The    Unmarried   Mother,"    Boston, 
1918. 

26 


nearly  five-eighths  of  all  had  education  equivalent  to  or  less 
than  grammar  school,  and  that  approximately  1  girl  in  3 
left  school  by  the  time  she  was  14  years  old.  The  result  was  that 
many  entered  unskilled  employment  at  low  pay  and  shifted  fre- 
quently from  one  job  to  another.  For  this  reason  care  should  be 
taken  not  to  attach  too  much  significance  to  the  fact  that  the 
mother  was  engaged  in  this  or  that  occupation  at  the  time  of 
application  to  the  agency.  Of  more  importance  is  the  actual 
economic  status.  An  attempt  has  been  made  to  determine  this 
by  considering  the  occupational  history  of  each  mother. 

Much  of  the  data  available  is  incomplete  in  that  it  lacks  such 
facts  as  a  full  list  of  positions  held,  the  particular  employment 
within  the  industry,  the  wage  earned  and  the  time  spent  in  each 
job.  The  following  comment  from  "Illegitimacy  as  a  Child- Wel- 
fare Problem"  shows  that  the  same  difficulties  were  encountered 
and  recognized  in  securing  information  for  that  great  study. 
"It  is  evident  that  the  information  here  given  is  only  a  rough 
approximation  of  economic  status,  because  of  the  failure  of  the 
records  in  most  cases  to  report  specific  employments  within  the  in- 
dustries and  the  wages  earned."1 

At  the  time  of  application  to  the  agency  approximately  7 
of  every  10  mothers  were  employed  as  "semiskilled  workers"  or 
as  "servants,"  about  an  equal  number  in  each  class.  Considerably 
less  than  one-fifth  were  working  as  "clerk  or  kindred  workers" 
while  one-eighth  were  not  gainfully  employed.  One-third  of 
those  at  work  had  changed  not  only  jobs,  but  type  of  employment. 
For  example,  one  girl  of  borderline  intelligence,  industrious  but 
untrained  in  any  particular  work  held  five  positions  previous  to 
confinement,  two  at  housework,  two  as  factory  operative,  and  one 
in  a  laundry.  She  had,  therefore,  changed  from  the  "semiskilled 
workers"  to  the  "servant"2  class  and  back  again.  More  than  one- 
third  the  total  number  of  mothers  had  had  some  experience  in 
housework  outside  their  own  home. 


1  Children's   Bureau:    "Illegitimacy  as  a  Child-Welfare   Problem," 
part  2,  Washington,  1921. 

'This   classification    is    that   used   by    the   Children's    Bureau    in 
"Illegitimacy  as  a  Child-Welfare  Problem,"  part  2,  p.  122. 


27 


SECTION  1 
TREATMENT 

PSYCHIATRIST'S  EXAMINATION  AND  RECOMMENDATION 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  "the  mental  examina- 
tion was  sought  by  the  agencies  as  a  diagnostic  aid  in  helping  to 
understand  the  girl  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  satisfactory  pro- 
gram for  her  future."  It  is  important  to  stress  the  point  that 
such  an  examination  is  not  merely  for  the  purpose  of  discovering 
defects;  it  also  detects  special  mental  ability  and  is  of  service  in 
vocational  guidance.  In  the  case  of  the  mothers  under  consid- 
eration the  mental  examination  resulted  not  only  in  grading  them 
according  to  intelligence  and  discovering  traces  of  mental  dis- 
order irrespective  of  intelligence  but  it  brought  about  specific 
recommendations  regarding  approximately  one-half  the  total 
number.  These  indicated  that  certain  girls  should  be  given 
custodial  care ;  that  others  though  of  low  grade  or  defective  in- 
telligence could  be  cared  for  in  the  community  under  close  super- 
vision ;  that  a  few  needed  observation  in  an  institution  for  further 
study  of  their  mental  condition;  that  some  were  of  sufficient  in- 
telligence to  be  able  to  take  advantage  of  further  education ;  that 
this  mother  should  be  given  housework,  and  that,  an  employment 
requiring  more  skill.  That  is  to  say  the  suggestions  were  definite 
and  constructive,  aiming  at  the  protection  of  the  mothers  and  of 
the  community  and  seeking  to  have  each  mother  perform  the 
highest  form  of  work  of  which  she  was  capable.  The  recom- 
mendations related  to  14  of  the  41  mothers  of  Group  I.  The 
social  agencies  planned  their  treatment  at  least  for  a  time  accord- 
ing to  psychiatric  advice  in  6  of  these  cases.  The  result  was 
that  special  emphasis  was  laid  on  the  kind  of  work  given  2 
mothers,  an  attempt  to  furnish  close  supervision  for  2  others, 
and  an  earnest  although  unsuccessful  effort  to  secure  institutional 
custody  for  2  of  the  6  feeble-minded  of  this  Group  for  whom 
such  care  was  urged.  In  one  of  these  cases  the  agency  which 
had  had  supervision  of  the  mother  from  the  time  she  was  a  child 

28 


tried  repeatedly  to  obtain  custodial  care  for  her.  It  was  not  until 
her  conduct  had  brought  her  before  the  court  that  the  mother  was 
committed,  and  then  it  was  to  a  penal  institution  instead  of  to  a 
school  for  the  mentally  defective  and  after  she  was  illegitimately 
pregnant.  In  the  other  case,  while  the  social  agency  was  in 
correspondence  with  the  school  for  the  feeble-minded,  the  girl's 
marriage  to  a  man  many  years  her  senior  was  brought  about  by 
her  mother. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  instances  in  which  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  psychiatrist  were  not  followed :  A  mother  of 
normal  intelligence  who  had  had  experience  in  clerical  work  as 
well  as  in  housework  was  placed  at  domestic  service  without  her 
child,  although  the  psychiatrist  advised  "something  more  con- 
genial and  skilled  than  housework."  A  mother,  low  grade  feeble- 
minded, belonging  in  another  state  but  brought  here  for  confine- 
ment, was  placed  in  a  public  institution  after  her  return  to  her 
home  state;  in  spite  of  the  recommendation  that  she  be  given 
permanent  institutional  care,  she  was  placed  at  housework  with 
her  child  after  some  months  and  later  at  the  same  work  without 
the  child.  A  mother  was  placed  at  housework  with  her  child 
after  it  had  been  recommended  by  the  psychiatrist  that  she  be 
given  more  education  to  enable  her  to  take  a  higher  grade  posi- 
tion. Another  mother  suffering  from  an  alcoholic  psychosis 
withdrew  her  application  for  help  in  caring  for  her  child,  and 
therefore  it  was  not  possible  for  lack  of  legal  control  to  provide 
supervision ;  accordingly,  she  returned  to  the  community  with  this 
her  second  illegitimate  child  to  give  birth  later  to  her  third. 

Definite  recommendations  following  mental  examination 
were  made  to  the  agencies  regarding  15  mothers  of  Group  II.  In 
8  instances  the  advice  was  followed,  resulting  in  concrete 
plans  in  several  cases  such  as  permanent  custodial  care  of  2 
mothers,  1  feeble-minded  and  1  insane;  institutional  care 
with  periods  of  parole  for  2  epileptics;  placing  in  the  care  of 
the  United  States  Immigration  Authorities  for  deportation  of  1 
feeble-minded;  supervision  in  the  community  under  the  care  of 
a  hospital  of  1  suffering  from  dementia  prsecox;  and  careful 
placing  in  a  foster  home  of  a  young  mother  who  needed  whole- 
some contacts  and  the  right  job  to  offset  the  effects  of  her  former 

29 


home  life.  On  the  other  hand  2  mothers  were  not  returned  to 
the  psychiatrist  for  completion  of  the  examination,  and  are  there- 
fore unclassified  in  this  report;  another  mother  for  whom  cus- 
todial care  or  close  supervision  was  recommended  has  disap- 
peared, leaving  her  child  dependent  upon  public  care ;  another  for 
whom  custodial  care  was  urged  at  least  during  child-bearing 
period  remains  in  the  community  unsupervised,  having  married 
after  giving  birth  to  two  illegitimate  children.  In  still  another 
out-of-state  case  special  care  in  placing  was  suggested :  "Because 
girl  has  never  had  a  chance,  place  for  one  or  two  years  under 
good  hygienic  and  nutritive  conditions  and  then  re-test."  At  the 
end  of  one  year  of  inferior  placing  this  mother,  then  15  years 
old,  with  an  intelligence  quotient  of  57  was  placed  in  an  industrial 
school  where  she  remained  for  nearly  three  years  when  she  was 
again  placed  at  housework.  The  supervision  needed  by  2  other 
mothers  was  not  provided. 

Specific  recommendations  were  made  in  the  cases  of  3 
of  the  mothers  of  Group  III.  In  one  case  the  advice  was  fol- 
lowed resulting  in  the  deportation  of  a  feeble-minded  mother  and 
her  child.  In  another  case  the  mother  graded  as  of  feeble-minded 
intelligence  was  sent  to  a  public  institution  for  treatment  of 
venereal  disease.  The  psychiatrist  recommended  observation 
while  there  to  determine  the  mental  condition.  There  is  no 
record  at  the  institution  of  any  request  for  observation  and  none 
was  made.  The  third  mother  who  had  deserted  her  husband  and 
three  legitimate  children  was  suffering  from  alcoholic  psychosis. 
Her  condition  was  such  that  commitment  was  desirable.  She 
disappeared  on  her  way  to  the  almshouse. 

These  facts  show  that  of  every  two  recommendations  made 
as  a  result  of  the  mental  examination  the  social  agencies  at- 
tempted to  follow  one.  Even  allowing  for  the  burden  of  current 
cases  carried  by  practically  every  case  worker  which  causes  actual 
accomplishment  to  fall  short  of  desire,  and  for  the  fact  that 
but  4  of  these  mothers  were  in  the  legal  control  of  an  agency 
enabling  it  to  force  treatment,  it  seems  fair  to  conclude  that  the 
significance  of  the  mental  examination  was  not  fully  understood 
or  the  recommendations  of  the  psychiatrist  would  have  been  fol- 
lowed in  a  larger  number  of  cases.  It  must,  however,  be  remem- 

30 


bered  in  fairness  to  the  social  agencies  that  adequate  care  of  the 
feeble-minded  in  Massachusetts  is  not  yet  provided.  Although 
the  outlook  is  hopeful  in  that  a  sufficient  appropriation  has  been 
secured  to  carry  out  the  plan  of  the  State  Department  of  Mental 
Diseases  "for  a  division  within  the  Department  to  handle  the 
problem  of  the  feeble-minded ;  in  particular  to  organize  more 
fully  the  extramural  supervision  and  service  which  has  been 
growing  so  rapidly  in  Massachusetts,"1  the  present  facilities  for 
housing  those  in  need  of  custodial  care  are  insufficient ;  central- 
ized authoritative  supervision  of  all  those  who  could  be  cared 
for  in  the  community  with  safety  to  themselves  and  others  does 
not  exist.  Under  these  conditions  failure  to  secure  adequate 
care  for  most  of  the  feeble-minded  girls  of  this  study  is  not  so 
much  to  be  wondered  at  as  the  lack  of  concerted  effort  to  bring 
about  proper  supervision  for  the  mentally  defective  of  the  State. 
In  1914  a  registry  of  the  feeble-minded  was  undertaken  and 
maintained  by  the  League  for  Preventive  Work  in  Boston.  It 
was  hoped  that  an  approximately  complete  list  of  the  feeble- 
minded coming  to  the  attention  of  the  social  agencies  of  the  State 
would  be  secured  and  later  turned  over  to  a  public  department  as 
an  aid  in  working  out  a  scheme  of  institutional  and  extramural 
care.  The  discouragement  of  the  social  agencies  in  being  unable 
to  secure  proper  care  for  the  feeble-minded  with  whom  they  deal 
is  at  least  a  partial  explanation  of  the  fact  that  but  8  of  the  23 
feeble-minded  mothers  of  this  study  were  registered  with  the 
League  for  Preventive  Work. 

It  is  obvious  that  no  general  policy  of  helping  the  mother  to 
keep  the  child  or  aiding  her  to  become  permanently  separated  from 
it  was  based  on  her  intelligence  as  it  has  already  been  indicated 
that  some  mothers  of  each  grade  of  intelligence  kept  the  child. 

AGENCY  PLACEMENT 

It  is  to  the  credit  of  the  agencies  that  ample  time  for  con- 
valescence and  regaining  of  strength  was  allowed  the  mother  fol- 
lowing the  birth  of  the  child.  When  social  treatment  began,  the 
organizations  resorted  most  frequently  to  one  of  two  methods  in 


1  Bulletin,  Boston  Council  of  Social  Agencies,  April,  1922. 

31 


dealing  with  the  mother:  First,  returning  her  with  the  child  to 
her  relatives,  whenever  wise  and  possible ;  second,  placing  her  at 
work  with  the  child.  Although  these  mothers  are  now  found 
distributed  among  the  three  Groups,  it  is  significant  that  in  only 
6  cases  did  a  social  agency  make  its  first  plan  with  the  idea  of 
helping  the  mother  give  up  the  child.  Often  the  first  arrange- 
ment was  shortlived,  as  in  the  case  of  a  low  grade  feeble-minded 
mother  who  was  placed  at  housework  with  her  child  and  after  a 
few  days  was  found  to  be  so  incapable  of  either  housework  or 
care  of  the  child  that  she  was  committed  to  a  school  for  the 
feeble-minded.  Frequently  the  first  plan  was  experimental  and 
was  tried  in  the  hope  of  persuading,  training,  or  something  almost 
compelling  the  mother  to  keep  the  child.  The  point  is  that  the 
agencies  tried  to  find  some  way  of  keeping  mother  and  child  to- 
gether and  made  other  disposition  only  when  this  failed. 

With  Relatives.  As  the  placements  show,  the  mother's  re- 
establishment  was  begun  whenever  possible  by  making  her  again 
a  member  of  her  own  family  group. 

In  Group  I  there  are  3  babies  who  were  born  at  the  home 
of  their  maternal  grandparents.  Ten  mothers  returned  to  their 
parents'  home  upon  discharge  from  the  place  of  confinement; 
2  went  to  other  relatives.  In  other  words,  15  mothers  were 
actually  living  with  relatives  at  or  soon  after  the  birth  of  the  child 
and  all  but  1  had  the  child  with  her.  In  12  instances  the  mother's 
return  to  her  family  came  about  later ;  7  took  the  baby  home,  5 
placed  it  at  board. 

Two  mothers  of  Group  II  were  confined  at  home ;  7,  4  with 
the  baby,  went  directly  home  from  the  place  of  confinement ;  an- 
other, without  the  child,  went  at  once  to  relatives;  5  others,  1 
with  the  baby,  found  their  way  home  after  a  considerable  period 
of  time.  In  addition  there  were  3  mothers  who,  without  the 
child,  went  to  some  family  connection  at  the  end  of  a  few  months. 

No  mother  of  Group  III  went  directly  to  relatives  after  con- 
finement although  3  are  known  to  have  gone  later,  2  with  the 
child.  Two  of  these  out-of-state  girls  were  placed  by  the 
agencies  with  the  child  at  the  State  Infirmary.  They  were  then 
turned  over  to  the  authorities  of  their  respective  states,  and  finally 
discharged  to  relatives.  The  third  mother  boarded  the  child  and 

32 


went  to  live  with  her  sister  after  a  period  at  housework  with  the 
baby.  It  is  probable  that  still  another  mother  who  was  deported 
with  the  child  eventually  found  her  way  home. 

Forty-eight,  or  more  than  one-half  the  total  number  of 
mothers,  30  of  them  with  the  child,  were  finally  in  the  home  of 
some  relative.  This  is  inclusive  of  the  5  mothers  who  gave 
birth  to  the  child  at  her  parents'  home. 

In  Employment.  For  mothers  who  did  not  go  directly  home 
from  the  place  of  confinement,  for  those  who  came  into  agency 
care  after  the  baby  born  at  home  had  been  given  away  by  the 
family,  for  those  who  had  reached  a  crisis  in  their  struggle  to 
keep  the  child,  and  for  those  mothers  whom  it  was  impossible  or 
unwise  to  return  to  relatives,  the  agencies  made  further  provision. 
Employment  was  the  most  conspicuous  need  of  the  largest  num- 
ber. It  appears  that  work  was  found  for  18  of  the  mothers  of 
Group  I,  16  at  housework  and  2  at  wet  nursing.  Fifteen  of 
these  had  the  baby  with  her  at  the  place  of  employment.  Fifteen 
of  Group  II  were  placed  at  work;  14  at  housework,  1  as  a 
wet  nurse.  In  11  instances  the  girl  was  placed  with  the  baby. 
Employment  was  found  for  2  of  Group  III.  Both  were  placed 
at  housework  with  the  child. 

Domestic  service  and  wet  nursing  were  the  only  kinds  of 
work  provided  as  a  first  job  by  the  agencies.  Regardless  of  in- 
telligence, occupational  experience  or  training,  all  but  the  3 
mothers  placed  as  wet  nurses  were  given  a  trial  at  housework. 

The  advantages  of  an  occupation  which  provides  a  family 
home  where  a  mother  may  have  the  actual  care  of  the  child  with 
an  opportunity  to  nurse  it  and  at  the  same  time  earn  a  wage  over 
and  above  her  board  are  easily  seen.  Moreover,  the  constant, 
kindly  oversight  and  training  in  right  standards  of  living  as  well 
as  of  work  which  an  intelligent  and  sympathetic  housewife  can 
give,  especially  to  a  young  girl,  is  of  inestimable  help  to  her. 
The  cooperation  of  the  carefully  selected  employer  or  foster 
mother  is  invaluable  to  the  social  worker  responsible  for  super- 
vision. The  selection  of  family  homes  capable  of  doing  this  con- 
structive job  with  the  mother  and  at  the  same  time  providing 
suitable  occupation  is  a  difficult  task  and  requires  the  expert  skill 
of  a  social  worker  trained  in  placing-out  methods.  Otherwise  the 

33 


placing  is  too  often  not  the  adjusting  of  a  particular  girl  to  a  par- 
ticular family,  but  the  haphazard  putting  of  a  girl  who  needs  a 
job  with  a  family  seeking  cheap  help.  The  placements  made  of 
these  mothers  show  all  the  grades  of  effort  from  unskilled  job- 
finding  by  agencies  unequipped  for  this  specialty  to  the  excellent 
painstaking  work  of  placing-out  societies.  The  good  or  ill  which 
may  result  from  placing  in  a  family  home  is  very  great.  When 
one  considers  the  unfortunate  and  often  serious  consequences  of 
improper  placing,  one  is  forced  to  question  whether  it  is  not 
better  for  the  agency  unequipped  to  do  this  specialized  job  well, 
to  omit  from  its  program  of  treatment  all  attempt  to  employ 
foster  home  care. 

It  is  possible  that  unskillful  placing  may  have  been  somewhat 
responsible  for  the  evident  unpopularity  of  housework  as  shown 
by  the  fact  that  at  the  end  of  one  month  after  placement  4 
mothers  had  left  housework,  2  placed  with  the  child  and  2 
placed  alone.  At  the  end  of  three  months,  4  more  girls  had 
ceased  to  do  this  work,  3  placed  with,  and  1  without  the  child. 
So  that  at  the  end  of  three  months  one-fourth  of  the  32  placed 
at  housework  had  given  up  this  employment.  Three  months  later 
the  number  leaving  had  increased  to  13  of  whom  8  belong  to 
Group  I. 

The  fact  that  one-fourth  the  total  number  placed  had  left 
the  employment  provided  by  the  agencies  at  the  end  of  three 
months  and  about  two-fifths  at  the  end  of  six  months  raises  the 
question  of  the  wisdom  of  the  original  plan  especially  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  not  all  mothers  placed  with  the  child  were  nursing 
it.  At  the  expiration  of  the  first  year  after  placement  12  mothers 
remainded  at  housework  with  the  child,  8  of  Group  I,  2  of  each 
of  the  other  two  groups.  Seven  of  these  are  above  the  border- 
line grade  of  intelligence,  but  1  is  feeble-minded.  Only  1  mother 
placed  by  an  agency  continued  at  domestic  service  as  long  as 
twenty  months. 

For  Training.  The  agencies  provided  special  training  for  a 
total  of  5  mothers,  2  of  Group  I,  3  of  Group  II.  In  Group  I 
a  promising  girl  of  normal  intelligence  was  given  three  months 
in  an  excellent  school  of  dressmaking.  The  course  was  com- 
pleted creditably.  The  plan  of  having  her  earn  a  living  for 

34 


herself  and  child  as  a  dressmaker  failed  because  of  further  sex 
irregularity.  Therefore  even  after  special  opportunity  was  given 
and  ability  for  dressmaking  shown,  she  was  again  placed  at 
housework  with  the  child  in  order  that  she  should  receive  super- 
vision throughout  the  twenty-four  hours.  The  other  mother  of 
this  Group  for  whom  further  education  was  planned  was  a  little 
girl  just  over  14  at  the  birth  of  'her  baby.  Arrangements  were 
made  for  her  to  attend  continuation  school  but  they  were  not 
carried  out  because  of  lack  of  cooperation  on  the  part  of  her 
parents  to  whom  she  returned. 

Three  mothers  of  Group  II  were  given  special  training,  2 
of  these  were  placed  at  housework.  They  came  from  homes  of 
low  house-keeping  standards.  In  each  case  it  was  a  child-plac- 
ing agency  which  used  the  carefully  selected  foster  family  to 
educate  the  mother  in  those  fundamentals  of  domestic  work 
which  she  should  have  learned  in  her  own  home.  In  this  way 
the  mother  who  had  the  baby  with  her  through  this  period  was 
also  taught  to  care  for  her  own  child ;  the  second  mother  had  been 
separated  from  her  child  before  becoming  known  to  the  agency. 
Opportunity  was  later  given  to  train  for  a  child's  attendant.  The 
third  mother  was  sent  to  business  school  to  complete  a  steno- 
graphic course  begun  in  high  school. 

From  the  foregoing  it  is  evident  that  not  much  was  done  to 
give  further  education  or  special  training  to  these  mothers  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  nearly  half  of  the  entire  number  had  less 
than  grammar  school  education  and  that  a  very  small  proportion 
had  what  could  be  considered  training  for  earning  a  living.  Dr. 
Guibord  has  pointed  out  that  trade  school  and  special  vocational 
training  would  have  been  valuable  to  a  considerable  number  of 
those  of  limited  intelligence. 

After  a  period  at  housework  varying  as  already  stated  from 
three  months  to  more  than  a  year  the  agencies  next  helped  or 
allowed  all  but  one  of  those  mothers  remaining  in  care  to  under- 
take different  employment  which  necessitated  boarding  the  child. 
In  a  few  cases  it  was  still  possible  to  have  mother  and  child  in 
the  same  family  home.  The  range  of  employment  entered  into 
is  shown  by  the  following  illustrations :  ward  maid  in  a  hospital, 
laundress  in  the  maternity  home  where  she  had  been  confined  and 

35 


where  as  an  employee  she  was  given  supervision,  factory  worker 
who  returned  to  the  child  at  night,  cook  at  $12.00  per  week. 

The  case  of  one  mother  who  has  been  in  the  care  of  a  public 
agency  for  some  ten  years  is  interesting  as  illustrating  the  wisdom 
of  sometimes  allowing  a  girl  to  choose  her  own  occupation.  This 
mother  of  dull  normal  intelligence  was  kept  at  housework  for 
years  before  pregnancy.  She  was  difficult  to  place  because  she 
did  not  get  on  well  with  children.  She  disliked  housework  and 
was  a  failure  in  it.  In  three  years  and  seven  months  she  had 
been  in  fourteen  homes ;  yet  she  managed  to  earn  her  board,  an 
opportunity  to  attend  school  and  sometimes  wages  of  $1.00  per 
week.  After  confinement  this  mother,  previously  unable  to  deal 
successfully  with  children,  surprised  those  who  knew  her  best 
by  her  determination  to  keep  the  baby.  For  three  months  she 
worked  at  domestic  service  with  it.  Then  the  wise  and  under- 
standing visitor  whose  policy  has  always  been  to  give  the  girl  all 
the  responsibility  that  she  could  carry  without  being  crushed 
by  it  permitted  her  to  choose  her  own  work.  After  one  or  two 
unsatisfactory  short  time  jobs  the  mother  found  employment  in  a 
shoe  factory  and  earned  from  $15.00  to  $19.20  a  week.  She  sup- 
ported herself  and  child  almost  entirely  until  marriage  and  was 
anxious  to  shoulder  her  own  burden.  The  visitor  has  had  the 
deep  satisfaction  which  comes  from  watching  an  unpromising 
child  develop  into  a  worthwhile  wife  and  mother.  Unquestion- 
ably the  self-respect  and  sense  of  responsibility  engendered  by 
being  allowed  freedom  to  leave  the  occupation  which  she  dis- 
liked and  to  select  her  own  method  of  earning  a  living  played  an 
important  part  in  this  girl's  development. 

Other  Services.  In  a  few  cases  the  social  agencies  rendered 
services  in  addition  to  those  already  enumerated,  such  as  board- 
ing mother  and  child  together  pending  a  final  plan.  For  ex- 
ample :  A  mother  and  baby  were  boarded  together  until  marriage 
to  the  father;  another  until  the  child  was  taken  for  permanent 
care  by  its  father ;  others  until  the  mothers  could  return  to  rela- 
tives and  the  child  be  placed  at  board.  Apparently  only  3 
mothers  have  been  able  to  manage  their  own  affairs  without 
further  assistance  from  agency  or  relatives  since  discharged  from 
the  place  of  confinement. 

36 


MARRIAGE  FURTHERED  BY  AGENCY 

But  4  marriages  of  Group  I  were  brought  about  or  aided 
by  social  agencies.  One  of  these  occurred  before  the  child's 
birth.  In  this  instance  the  mother  realized  that  marriage  to  the 
father  would  probably  not  bring  happiness ;  yet  she  felt  she  ought 
to  secure  a  name  for  her  child  and  so  followed  the  counsel  of  the 
agency.  She  and  her  husband  have  separated.  She  is  said  to  be 
satisfied  that  the  sacrifice  for  the  child's  sake  was  worth  while. 
Another  mother  remained  at  housework  with  the  baby  until  mar- 
riage to  the  father  of  the  child  seventeen  months  after  its  birth. 
The  man  had  returned  from  war  penitent  and  had  turned  to  the 
agency  which  had  cared  for  the  girl  for  help  in  finding  her.  A 
happy  marriage  has  resulted.  The  third  mother  was  married  to 
the  father  of  the  child  three  years  after  its  birth.  Careful  study 
of  the  mother,  various  attempts  to  provide  her  with  suitable  occu- 
pation, and  close  supervision  had  failed  to  prevent  further  sex 
irregularity  in  spite  of  her  love  for  the  baby.  The  marriage 
which  she  and  the  child's  father  desired  was  finally  allowed.  As 
far  as  can  be  ascertained  this  mother  has  remained  true  to  her 
husband.1  In  the  case  of  the  fourth  marriage  the  mother,  un- 
classified as  to  intelligence  but  said  by  the  psychiatrist  not  to  be 
feeble-minded,  became  pregnant  by  and  married  a  man  not  the 
father  of  her  child  of  20  months  while  she  was  at  housework 
with  the  baby  and  receiving  really  excellent  care  under  the  super- 
vision of  an  agency.  Since  marriage  she  has  settled  down  to 
a  normal  life.  A  fifth  mother,  graded  as  dull  normal,  was  mar- 
ried while  pregnant  to  the  father  of  her  child  and  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  agency,  immediately  before  her  acceptance  for 
care  by  a  maternity  home. 

There  is  but  1  marriage  in  Group  II  for  which  an  agency 
was  in  any  way  responsible.  In  this  case  a  place  was  secured  for 
mother  and  child  to  board  together  until  the  marriage  to  the 
father  of  the  child  took  place  when  it  was  6  weeks  old. 

No  marriages  in  Group  III  were  brought  about  through 
agency  activity. 

1  As  this  report  goes  to  press  the  mother  was  convicted  of  adultery 
and  cross  libels  for  divorce  have  been  filed. 

37 


Of  the  82  mothers  under  consideration  61,  18  years  or  over, 
were  unmarried  or  divorced  and  therefore  free  to  marry.  A 
total  of  5  marriages  can  be  credited  to  the  agencies,  1  girl  being 
under  18  years  of  age.  In  respect  to  intelligence,  2  mothers  were 
normal,  1  dull  normal,  1  borderline,  and  1  unclassified.  This 
would  seem  to'  indicate  that  the  social  agencies  here  represented 
do  not  regard  marriage  even  to  legitimatize  a  child  as  the  one 
great  solution  of  the  problem ;  rather  do  they  seem  to  discourage 
it  unless  there  is  some  reasonable  expectation  of  permanency  and 
happiness  in  the  relationship  which  will  make  for  a  suitable  en- 
vironment for  the  child. 

SEPARATION  OF  MOTHER  AND  CHILD 

Death.  Death  of  the  baby  occurred  in  only  3  cases  while 
the  mother  and  child  were  in  the  care  of  the  agency,  a  favorable 
commentary  on  agency  care.  One  baby  died  suddenly  when  a 
few  weeks  old;  another,  a  twin,  at  3  months;  the  third  was  5 
months  and  had  never  been  well.  There  was  one  stillbirth. 

Agency  responsibility 

Adoption. — The  agencies  had  a  major  responsibility  in  allow- 
ing 12  mothers  to  part  with  the  child.  Of  this  number  5 
were  adopted,  1  given  to  its  father,  6  placed  in  public  care. 
This  means  that  about  one-third  the  total  number  of  separations 
which  occurred  were  due  to  the  influence  of  agencies.  Two 
of  the  adoptions  were  arranged  when  the  baby  was  under  6 
months,  1  when  about  1  year  of  age,  2  when  4  and  6  years, 
respectively.  The  social  grade  of  the  mother  who  came  from 
and  returned  to  a  comfortable  home,  together  with  a  determina- 
tion on  her  part  and  that  of  her  family  to  rid  themselves  of 
the  child  seem  to  be  the  reasons  for  the  agency's  decision  in 
placing  1  of  the  2  young  babies;  the  apparent  incompetency 
of  a  foreign-born  mother  and  the  wishes  of  her  relatives  the  rea- 
sons in  the  other.  Apart  from  the  question  of  separation, 
whether  the  adoption  of  these  2  children  whose  mothers  were 
designated  by  the  psychiatrist  as  "unclassified"  was  a  wise  plan 
is  another  matter.  In  the  case  of  the  year  old  child,  the  agency 
stood  aside  and  allowed  the  mother  of  borderline  intelligence  to 

38 


make  her  own  decision  as  to  whether  it  should  be  adopted  by  the 
foster  mother.  Every  effort  was  made  by  an  excellent  child- 
placing  agency  to  develop  and  equip  the  mothers  of  the  2  older 
children  to  care  properly  for  them.  Further  education  was  given 
one,  intensive  training  in  housework  and  care  of  her  baby,  the 
other.  Each  was  tried  with  and  without  the  child.  Finally  it 
was  decided  that  only  permanent  separation  could  assure  either 
child  a  fair  chance.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  intelligence  of  both 
these  mothers  was  determined  before  adoption  was  decided  upon. 
One  was  found  to  grade  normal,  the  other  dull  normal.  Both 
children  have  been  studied  from  birth,  both  are  on  trial  for 
adoption  with  people  who  have  been  carefully  investigated  to 
determine  whether  they  have  the  character,  fitness,  and  material 
resources  to  become  suitable  adoptive  parents.  If  all  is  satis- 
factory at  the  end  of  a  sufficiently  long  period,  which  will  prob- 
ably be  not  less  than  one  year,  to  demonstrate  that  the  particular 
child  fits  into  the  particular  family,  adoption  papers  will  be  pre- 
sented to  the  court  for  signature.  Surely  such  safeguards  are 
preferable  to  any  hastily  determined  methods  of  transplanting  a 
human  life.  These  agencies  considered  adoption  a  serious 
matter.  This  is  further  illustrated  by  a  case  in  which  an  agency 
deliberately  brought  about  the  annulment  of  an  unwise  adoption 
for  which  it  was  in  no  way  responsible. 

Giving  Child  to  Relatives. — One  young  mother  was  persuaded 
to  give  her  child  to  its  father  who  married  the  mother's  ma- 
ternal aunt.  Unfortunately  it  has  not  yet  been  legally  adopted 
so  that  it  is  still  illegitimate  and  without  proven  claim  on  its 
father.  This  is  one  of  several  cases  in  which  further  pressure  on 
the  part  of  an  agency  might  have  brought  about  better  legal 
status  for  the  child. 

Public  Care. — The  agencies  have  been  instrumental  in  secur- 
ing public  care  for  6  children.  The  mother's  mental  condition 
was  the  reason  in  each  case.  Two  were  committed  to  an  insti- 
tution, one  a  hospital  for  the  insane,  the  other  a  school  for  the 
feeble-minded ;  2  were  epileptic  and  .sent  to  a  hospital,  but  as 
voluntary  patients  who  could  not  be  committed  because  their 
condition  was  not  "dangerous  to  the  public."  They  have  been, 
therefore,  in  and  out  of  the  institution.  The  child  of  one  of  the 

39 


epileptic  mothers  was  born  there  following  a  period  of  parole  in 
the  community  and  placed  within  a  few  days  of  birth  with  the 
public  authorities.  The  child  of  the  other  epileptic  mother  was 
cared  for  by  a  private  agency  until  over  3  years  of  age  then 
transferred  to  a  public  department.  Two  other  mothers,  both 
low  grade  feeble-minded,  were  persuaded  to  place  the  child  in 
public  care. 

SUPERVISION 

The  supervision  given  by  the  agencies  varied  in  length  of 
time,  quality  of  service,  and  value.  In  a  few  cases  it  was  merely 
contact  between  agency  and  mother  during  investigation  as  in  the 
case  of  the  woman  suffering  from  an  alcoholic  psychosis  whose 
withdrawal  of  her  appeal  for  help  and  subsequent  handling  of 
her  own  problem  deprived  the  agency  of  any  opportunity  for 
supervision.  In  others  it  was  carefully  thought-out  oversight 
continuing  over  a  period  of  years  and  based  on  sympathetic  un- 
derstanding of  the  girl — a  constant  effort  to  energize  her  to  con- 
tinue safely  alone. 

It  has  been  difficult  to  determine  the  exact  duration  of  super- 
vision because  in  so  few  instances  is  a  definite  date  given  on 
which  the  case  became  inactive  and  the  agency  surrendered  re- 
sponsibility. Instead  there  has  been  an  apparent  dwindling  of 
interest  as  contact  between  mother  and  agency  grew  more  infre- 
quent and  finally  ceased.  In  other  cases  there  was  an  apparent 
activity  and  responsibility  on  the  agency's  part  which  ended 
abruptly.  In  other  instances  a  friendly,  unofficial  relationship  has 
been  maintained  between  one  of  the  agency's  staff  and  the  mother. 
But  5  mothers  have  been  given  continuous  supervision  from 
the  birth  of  the  child,  2  by  the  agency  responsible  at  the  time  of 
confinement,  2  in  institutions,  1  who  was  transferred  from 
the  first  agency  to  the  second  and  remains  under  the  care  of  the 
latter.  Four  of  these  are  under  legal  control.  In  addition  there 
are  3  mothers  formerly  in  agency  care  who  receive  consider- 
able advice  and  oversight  because  of  the  child  still  in  charge  of 
the  organization.  The  nature  of  the  unmarried  mother's  diffi- 
culty naturally  prompts  her  to  break  loose  as  soon  as  possible 
from  the  contacts  made  at  the  time  of  confinement.  Frequently 

40 


the  girl  who  most  needs  guidance  is  the  most  resentful  of  it.  It 
is  the  mother's  privilege  to  make  supervision  impossible  unless 
there  is  legal  control  to  compel  it.  Too  often  with  the  cessation 
of  oversight  comes  unsuitable  care  for  the  child.  This  is  the 
opportunity  for  the  mother  who  is  bound  to  be  rid  of  her  child 
to  dispose  of  it.  For  the  mother  who  would  like  to  keep  the 
child  but  finds  the  struggle  too  difficult,  it  is  the  time  of  tempta- 
tion. It  is  easy  to  find  people  eager  to  adopt.  She  finds  the 
argument  that  the  child  will  have  more  than  she  can  give  so  con- 
vincing. Four  of  these  mothers  placed  the  child  for  adoption 
almost  as  soon  as  supervision  ended.  Two  more  discouraged  by 
the  outlook  of  the  future  placed  the  child  with  the  idea  of  adop- 
tion and  later  were  most  thankful  to  receive  it  again.  In  one 
instance  this  came  about  because  the  prospective  adoptive  parents 
decided  that  the  baby  did  not  sufficiently  resemble  them;  in  the 
other  case  a  placing-out  agency  by  boarding  the  child  for  a  few 
months  and  meanwhile  adjusting  the  young  mother's  family  diffi- 
culties made  it  possible  for  her  to  keep  the  child. 

Consideration  of  the  oversight  given  the  mothers  of  this 
study  shows  that  while  the  object  was  to  see  each  girl  through  at 
least  to  the  point  where  she  had  a  reasonable  chance  to  recover 
socially  from  her  experience,  the  pressure  of  current  cases  de- 
manding the  full  strength  of  the  staff,  the  frequent  desire  of  the 
mother  to  go  her  own  way  as  soon  as  she  recovered  physically, 
and  the  lack  of  legal  control  combined  to  make  it  impossible  for 
the  agencies  to  follow  the  majority  as  closely  or  as  long  as  de- 
sirable. Evidence  exists  in  these  82  cases  to  demonstrate  that 
proper  care  for  the  child  was  many  times  dependent  upon  super- 
vision. The  subsequent  history  (page  60),  will  show  that  society 
in  one  way  or  another  through  its  courts,  penal  institutions,  relief, 
health,  and  other  agencies  has  already  been  called  upon  to  give 
further  supervision  and  help  to  some  of  these  same  mothers  who 
are  unable  to  manage  their  own  life  without  assistance.  Obvi- 
ously to  follow  indefinitely  every  woman  who  gives  birth  to  an 
illegitimate  child  would  be  absurd.  In  the  light  of  what  is  al- 
ready known  may  it  not  be  well  to  consider  whether  the  fate  of 
these  already  handicapped  children  should  continue  to  rest  so 
largely  with  the  mother  ?  The  Children's  Bureau  of  the  Depart- 

41 


ment  of  Labor  held  in  1920  two  regional  conferences  on  stand- 
ards of  legal  protection  for  children  born  out  of  wedlock.  The 
conclusions  may  be  summarized  briefly  as  follows :  ' '  *  *  *  The 
parents  should  not  be  permitted  to  surrender  a  child  for  adoption, 
or  to  transfer  guardianship,  or  to  place  it  out  permanently  for 
care,  without  order  of  the  court  or  state  department  made  after 
investigation."1  Minnesota  in  its  law  of  1920  took  the  position 
that  it  is  the  State's  business  to  be  responsible  for  the  illegitimate 
child's  welfare  and  through  its  State  Board  of  Control  assumed 
supervision  of  all  illegitimate  children  up  to  16  years  of  age  or 
until  some  satisfactory  disposition  is  made  of  the  child.  The 
power  to  dispose  of  the  illegitimate  child  is  taken  from  those  who 
may  be  unable  or  unwilling  to  secure  proper  care  for  it. 

ANALYSIS  OF  TREATMENT 

Analysis  of  the  treatment  given  these  82  mothers  by  the 
social  agencies  shows:  (1)  That  the  underlying  theory  was 
adaptation  of  care  to  individual  need;  (2)  that  nevertheless  in 
many  cases  individual  treatment  did  not  go  far  enough ;  it  stopped 
short  of  seeing  the  mother  through  to  the  point  where  she  was 
able  to  proceed  alone  with  safety  to  herself  and  the  community 
or,  when  incapable  of  managing  her  life,  to  the  point  of  securing 
adequate  protection  and  supervision  and  (3)  that  failure  to  re- 
gard each  unmarried  mother  as  an  integral  part  of  a  great  social 
problem  as  well  as  an  individual  resulted  in  further  suffering  in 
so  far  as  it  postponed  the  laying  of  a  foundation  of  constructive 
policies. 

The  seeking  of  a  mental  examination  of  each  girl  is  an  indica- 
tion that  an  attempt  was  made  to  understand  the  individual  pre- 
sumably for  the  purpose  of  meeting  her  needs.  On  the  other 
hand  the  agencies  seem  to  have  lost  sight  of  individual  needs  in 
making  their  first  plan — in  all  but  6  cases — with  the  idea  of 
helping  the  mother  to  keep  the  child.  The  attempt  to  individual- 
ize treatment  and  at  the  same  time  to  make  it  conform  to  this 
policy  resulted  frequently  in  fruitless  work. 


^enroot,  Katharine  F.:  "Social  Responsibility  for  the  Protection 
of  Children  Handicapped  by  Illegitimate  Birth."  The  Annals  of  the 
American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social  Science,  November,  1921. 

42 


The  psychiatric  examination  showed  that  the  mental  equip- 
ment of  these  mothers  varied  from  normal  to  feeble-minded, 
from  emotional  stability  to  extreme  instability,  and  thereby  in- 
dicated that  the  range  of  accomplishment  which  could  reasonably 
be  expected  differed  considerably.  The  recommendations  made 
by  the  psychiatrist  aimed  to  develop  each  mother  to  capacity,  or 
to  protect  her  by  custodial  care  within  or  without  an  institution 
when  the  best  interest  of  the  individual  and  the  community  de- 
manded it.  Consistent  emphasis  on  the  adaptation  of  care  to  in- 
dividual needs  would  have  resulted  in  an  attempt  to  give  each  the 
advantage  of  the  treatment  prescribed  or  indicated  as  being  within 
the  grasp  of  her  intelligence. 

The  agencies  attempted  to  follow  about  half  the  recommenda- 
tions based  on  the  psychiatric  examination.  It  is  evident,  there- 
fore, that  some  mothers  were  not  given  treatment  prescribed  by 
the  psychiatrist  as  beneficial  to  the  individual.  On  the  other  hand 
it  is  encouraging  to  find  social  agencies  beginning  to  utilize  the 
scientific  findings  concerning  the  mental  equipment  of  the  indi- 
vidual as  they  use  the  facts  bearing  on  the  physical.  While  the 
recommendations  followed  were  too  few  to  warrant  sweeping 
conclusions  as  to  the  practical  value  of  the  psychiatric  examina- 
tion in  treatment,  the  results  were  such  in  certain  cases  as  to 
make  further  trial  highly  desirable.  It  is  reasonable  to  expect 
that  with  full  appreciation  of  the  significance  of  the  psychiatrist's 
findings  will  come  the  adapting  of  the  load  to  the  mental  as  well 
as  the  physical  carrying  capacity  of  the  bearer.  It  will  tend  to 
prevent  the  mother  whose  intelligence  shows  her  incapable  of  suc- 
cessful management  of  her  own  life  being  encouraged  to  assume 
the  guidance  of  her  child's  upbringing,  and  with  the  termination 
of  supervision  being  left  to  do  the  job  as  best  she  can. 

To  claim  thai;  the  social  worker's  "mere  commonsense  and 
background  of  experience  provide  as  good  a  working  instrument 
as  the  psychiatric  examination  in  devising  an  effective  program 
for  the  girl"  is  as  unreasonable  as  to  hold  that  commonsense  and 
experience  make  a  physical  examination  unnecessary. 

In  too  many  cases  in  spite  of  the  beginning  made  towards 
individualizing  treatment,  the  mother,  with  confinement  over  and 
health  restored,  became  but  one  of  a  group  of  unmarried  mothers 

43 


indiscriminately  encouraged  to  keep  the  child.  As  a  result  the 
question  frequently  became  "by  what  means  can  the  mother  keep 
the  child?"  rather  than  "in  planning  for  the  future  what  is  best 
for  this  mother,  this  child,  and  society?" 

This  change  of  emphasis  in  treatment  appears  again  in  a 
lack  of  individualization  in  providing  employment.  One  of  two 
kinds  of  work,  domestic  service  and  wet  nursing,  both  calculated 
to  keep  mother  and  child  together,  was  provided  as  a  first  job  by 
the  agencies.  While  the  advantages  of  breast  feeding  and  of 
good  family  home  care  are  recognized,  it  is  improbable  that  adap- 
tation of  treatment  to  individual  need  was  the  compelling  reason 
for  placing  25  of  the  29  mothers  for  whom  employment  was 
provided  by  the  agencies,  at  housework.  Indeed,  the  psychiatric 
examination  had  definitely  suggested  care  better  suited  to  the 
development  and  protection  of  certain  mothers. 

Insufficient  funds,  pressure  of  the  current  case  load,  desire 
on  the  part  of  the  mother  to  be  free  from  supervision,  lack  of  the 
agency's  legal  right  to  compel  submission  to  treatment,  and  inade- 
quate provision  for  the  feeble-minded  were  additional  factors 
resulting  in  termination  of  care  in  too  many  instances  without 
fulfilling  the  real  need  of  the  individual. 

The  most  advanced  social  agencies  frankly  recognize  their 
inability  to  carry  treatment  in  many  cases  far  enough  and  for  a 
sufficiently  long  time  to  insure  proper  readjustment  or  protection 
for  the  individual.  They  therefore  see  the  wisdom  of  concerted 
action  in  attacking  a  large  problem  like  feeble-mindedness. 

These  same  agencies  are  aware  of  the  inter-relation  of  feeble- 
mindedness and  illegitimacy  and  believe  public  control  of  the 
feeble-minded  necessary  as  a  means  of  preventing  and  effectively 
dealing  with  the  unmarried  mother.  Yet  the  chance  to  pool  in- 
formation by  registering  their  feeble-minded  women  and  thus 
to  help  convince  the  legislature  of  the  shortsightedness  of  society 
in  withholding  protection  for  the  mentally  defective  unmarried 
mother  was  overlooked  in  two-thirds  of  the  cases  of  the  feeble- 
minded of  the  study.  (See  p.  31.)  The  persistency  of  the  habit 
of  regarding  illegitimacy  as  the  concern  alone  of  the  unfortunate 
individual  and  her  family  was  probably  largely  responsible  for 
failure  to  see  each  unmarried  mother  as  an  integral  part  of  a 

44 


great  social  problem.  In  addition  to  the  kindly,  patient,  sincere 
interest  and  good  case  work  which  characterizes  much  of  the 
work  done  with  the  illegitimately  pregnant  girl  there  must  be 
the  ability  to  see  the  individual  and  the  problem  in  their  inter- 
relation. Only  by  thoroughgoing  case  work  with  as  many  un- 
married mothers  as  the  time  of  agencies  permits  and  by  study  of 
many  related  cases,  can  a  basis  for  safe  generalizations  be  made 
which  will  in  the  truest  sense  help  the  individual. 


45 


SECTION  2 
SUBSEQUENT  HISTORY 

In  subsequent  history  it  is  intended  to  include  the  life  of 
these  mothers  from  the  time  the  social  agency  ended  care  to 
approximately  August  1,  1921.  This  period  varies  in  length  ac- 
cording to  the  time  the  agency  supervised.  It  has  already  been 
noted  that  some  supervision  is  still  being  given  5  mothers  while 
contact  is  maintained  with  others.  The  majority  for  a  consider- 
able time  have  been  living  free  from  agency  influence. 

MENTAL  CONDITION 

Only  another  examination  could  give  the  present  mental  con- 
dition of  those  mothers  who  were  suffering  from  some  psychic 
disorder  when  seen  by  the  psychiatrist.  However,  information 
secured  as  to  how  they  are  conducting  themselves  may  throw 
some  light  on  the  subject.  The  one  mother  of  Group  I  classified 
as  psychoneurotic  is  at  home  with  the  child  of  whom  she  is  fond, 
both  supported  by  her  father.  To  the  lay  mind  there  is  nothing 
noteworthy  in  her  conduct. 

Nine  of  the  11  with  some  kind  of  psychic  disorder  are  in 
Group  II.  Of  the  dementia  praecox  patients  one  committed  fol- 
lowing confinement  remains  at  the  hospital,  the  other  in  the 
community  but  under  informal  supervision  delegated  to  a  family 
agency  by  the  hospital  which  gave  a  short  period  of  observation. 
This  mother  married  after  giving  birth  to  and  placing  for  adop- 
tion two  illegitimate  children.  She  is  now  managing  acceptably 
a  comfortable  home  for  her  legitimate  child  and  husband,  a 
Japanese.  The  2  epileptics  who  as  voluntary  patients  were 
admitted  two  and  three  times  respectively  to  a  hospital  are  in  the 
community  without  supervision  of  any  kind.  One  escaped  from 
the  institution  and  is  living  in  an  adjoining  state.  It  has  not  been 
possible  to  obtain  information  regarding  her  mental  condition. 
The  other  was  released  three  times  to  relatives  who  took  no 
further  responsibility  and  for  months  at  a  time  have  not  known 
her  whereabouts.  A  physician  who  has  treated  her  claims  to 

46 


have  prevented  all  seizures  during  approximately  the  last  two 
years.  Another  mother,  of  feeble-minded  intelligence  and  prob- 
ably epileptic,  seemed  at  one  time  to  be  deteriorating,  but  for 
more  than  a  year  has  occupied  the  position  of  attendant  at  a  state 
hospital.  The  victim  of  alcoholic  psychosis  is  the  only  one  of 
this  Group  able  to  support  herself  and  child  without  aid  from 
relatives  or  agency. 

Of  the  3  psychoneurotics,  one  died  following  childbirth; 
another  married  and  has  a  legitimate  child.  She  is  one  of  the 
steadiest  workers  of  all  the  mothers  under  consideration,  having 
held  her  first  position  in  a  department  store  more  than  six  years, 
yet  she  has  been  one  of  the  most  difficult  to  follow  up,  seeming 
to  show  the  same  emotional  resistance  to  cooperate  in  this  as  in 
the  mental  examination.  The  third  has  shown  herself  efficient  in 
domestic  service.  She  is  able  to  obtain  good  positions  and  has 
earned  as  much  as  $12.00  per  week.  She  contributed  towards 
the  support  of  her  second  illegitimate  child  whom  she  had  by  a 
colored  man  until  recently,  when  she  disappeared  leaving  the 
child  at  board. 

Information  is  lacking  regarding  the  alcoholic  psychotic  of 
Group  III. 

DIFFICULTIES  ENCOUNTERED  BY  MOTHER  IN  KEEPING  CHILD 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  keeping  the  child  is  in  most 
cases  an  heroic  undertaking  for  an  unmarried  mother.  For  some 
of  these  under  consideration  it  has  meant  tremendous  sacrifice. 
Relatives  who  have  stood  by  one  girl,  given  her  a  home,  and 
helped  with,  but  not  received  the  child,  tell  of  the  mother's  con- 
stant worry  and  brave  struggle  to  support  it.  They  see  nothing 
ahead  for  this  proud,  self-respecting  young  woman  but  more 
worry  and  sacrifice  unless  she  parts  with  the  child  to  whom  she  is 
devoted.  Another  mother  already  referred  to  carries  her  secret, 
sharing  it  only  with  her  parents.  To  tell  means  disgrace  in  a 
community  where  she  and  her  family  are  respected;  to  continue 
to  live  as  she  has  for  the  past  four  years  means  unending  strain 
to  support  and  haunting  fear  lest  the  truth  be  discovered.  "The 
woman  from  *  *  *  *  said  she  would  help  me  but  she  wants  to  take 
my  A away  after  my  hard  time  trying  my  best  to  keep  her 

47        - 


and  going  hungry  half  the  time  to  feed  her.  They  think  the 
little  fellow  needs  me  more.  You  know  it  would  kill  me  to  part 
with  her,"  said  a  feeble-minded  mother  after  the  birth  of  her 
second  illegitimate  baby  when  she  was  advised  by  an  agency 
to  give  up  the  older  child.  This  mother  grew  up  in  a  sordid 
home  where  the  only  thing  which  existed  in  abundance  was  in- 
temperance of  both  parents  and  all  the  attendant  results.  Her 
family  was  known  to  a  social  agency  as  early  as  1903  when  this 
girl  was  10  years  of  age,  and  up  to  the  present  time  its  different 
members  have  received  help  in  one  form  or  another  from  a  dozen 
agencies,  public  and  private.  This  girl  very  naturally  became  a 
victim  of  her  environment  and  gave  birth  to  a  child.  The  first 
baby  she  took  home  where  it  received  as  good  care  as  could  be 
expected  in  such  a  place.  She  worked  irregularly  in  a  candy 
factory  and  earned  $5.50  as  the  highest  wage.  Ill  health  and 
low  grade  intelligence  made  it  impossible  for  her  ever  to  hold  a 
good  job  or  to  hold  any  for  long.  Finally,  when  the  home  was 
broken  up  at  her  mother's  death,  she  left.  She  was  employed 
with  her  child  at  a  cheap  lodging-house  when  she  gave  birth  to  a 
second  child.  This  woman  has  struggled  along  with  the  two 
children.  For  about  a  year  and  a  half  she  worked  with  both  at 
the  lodging-house  earning  $4.00  a  week.  Illness  forced  the  public 
authorities  to  care  for  mother  and  children  on  several  occasions. 
She  has  received  help  from  time  to  time,  little  of  it  adequate, 
over  a  period  of  years.  Only  after  this  woman  had  given  birth 
to  two  illegitimate  children  was  she  examined  by  a  psychiatrist 
and  found  to  be  definitely  feeble-minded  and  a  fit  subject  for 
commitment.  The  children  were  9  and  4  years  respectively 
when  she  became  pregnant  for  a  third  time  by  a  third  man  and 
married  him.  The  last  information  was  that  the  Overseers  of 
the  Poor  had  agreed  to  support  her,  the  two  illegitimate  children, 
and  her  husband  for  a  month  or  two  "to  get  them  on  their  feet." 
The  struggle  this  mother  has  made  and  the  hardships  she  has 
endured  to  keep  her  children  would  have  been  considered  in- 
dicative of  character  in  a  person  of  better  intelligence.  Society 
has  looked  on,  now  and  then  giving  enough  help  to  keep  her 
miserable  body  alive,  while  it  has  blamed  her  as  a  woman  of  low 
morals,  and  done  nothing  through  all  these  years  to  safeguard 

48 


! 


her.  Would  not  the  protection  afforded  by  an  institution  for  the 
feeble-minded  or  by  adequate  supervision  in  the  community  have 
been  much  more  humane?  Perhaps  the  burden  of  taxation 
which  is  growing  heavier  through  failure  to  protect  such  women 
and  thereby  prevent  their  having  offspring  will  hasten  the  con- 
summation of  plans  already  conceived. 

ATTITUDE  OF  RELATIVES 

It  has  previously  been  shown  how  many  of  the  mothers  now 
found  distributed  among  the  three  Groups  found  their  way  back 
to  their  own  home  or  to  more  remote  relatives  after  a  time. 
Generally  speaking,  the  higher  the  family  standards,  the  more 
difficult  it  has  been  for  its  members  to  receive  the  mother  and 
her  illegitimate  child.  Some  families  have  helped  the  mother, 
but  repudiated  the  child.  Undoubtedly,  in  some  cases,  relatives 
hoped  that  the  girl  would  tire  of  the  idea  of  keeping  the  child  as 
soon  as  she  appreciated  the  ignominy  and  struggle  entailed. 
When  she  showed  her  determination  to  keep  the  child  even  at 
tremendous  cost  relatives  in  some  cases  relented  and  took  her 
home,  and  sometimes  the  child  also.  Nearly  three  years  elapsed 
before  the  members  of  one  family  who  really  cared  for  the  young 
mother  could  bring  themselves  to  receive  her  and  the  child. 

Helpful  to  Mother  in  Keeping  Child.  Relatives  helped 
make  it  possible  for  28  mothers  of  Group  I  to  keep  the  child,  by 
assisting  in  various  ways,  but  chiefly  by  taking  the  mother  home. 
In  5  of  these  instances  they  received  her  without  the  child. 

As  a  rule,  when  once  the  mother  went  to  relatives,  particu- 
larly parents,  she  remained  with  them,  usually  working  outside 
the  home  and  contributing  toward  the  support  of  herself  and 
child.  Two  mothers,  exceptions  to  the  rule,  illustrate  the  point 
that  mere  reception, of  mother  and  child  by  the  family  does  not 
necessarily  mean  satisfactory  adjustment.  One  remained  at 
home  but  a  day  or  two  because  of  the  opposition  of  one  of  her 
brothers.  She  was  then  sent  to  a  friend  of  her  mother.  There 
she  lived,  supporting  herself  and  child,  occasionally  visiting  at 
home  without  it,  until  her  marriage.  During  the  past  year  the 
child,  now  living  in  a  distant  state  with  the  mother  and  her  hus- 
band, visited  the  maternal  grandmother.  While  not  welcomed, 

49 


the  child  was  at  least  tolerated  by  its  uncle,  who  has  never  for- 
given the  mother  for  bringing  disgrace  to  the  family.  The  other 
mother,  who  for  years  before  pregnancy  had  been  separated  from 
her  family  by  court  action  because  of  parental  neglect,  remained 
at  home  but  a  few  weeks  because  she  objected  to  the  care  given 
the  child  during  the  day  while  she  was  working  at  the  factory. 

In  one  case  only  the  mother's  parents  know  that  she  has  a 
child.  Although  she  is  one  of  a  large  family  and  returned  to  her 
own  home  after  a  period  of  boarding  with  the  child,  and  although 
she  supports  and  visits  it,  she  and  her  parents  have  succeeded  in 
keeping  the  secret.  In  no  other  instance  has  the  fact  of  the 
mother's  illegitimate  pregnancy  probably  been  known  to  so  few 
people.  One  child  is  supposed  to  be  a  boarder  in  the  maternal 
grandparents'  home  where  she  and  the  mother  live.  It  is  said 
that  the  facts  are  known  only  to  the  maternal  grandmother,  but 
it  is  suspected  that  they  are  known  to  other  members  of  the 
family. 

Some  relatives  assisted  the  mother  and  child  and  at  the  same 
time  made  life  difficult  for  the  former  by  their  censorious  atti- 
tude. To  illustrate :  A  respectable  woman  who  feels  her 
daughter's  disgrace  keenly,  gives  her  a  simple  but  comfortable 
home.  Although  devoted  to  an  older  child  in  the  home  who  was 
the  cause  of  the  mother's  forced  marriage,  this  maternal  grand- 
mother has  refused  to  help  with  the  support  of  the  illegitimate 
grandchild,  will  not  visit,  and  even  objects  to  hearing  it  men- 
tioned. Not  to  repudiate  her  responsibility  in  the  face  of  such 
unrelenting  disapproval  shows  real  affection  on  the  mother's  part. 
If  it  were  not,  however,  for  the  material  help  given  by  the  family 
in  the  form  of  a  home  for  herself  and  legitimate  child,  she  might 
be  forced  to  give  up  the  illegitimate  now  boarded  some  distance 
away. 

In  every  instance  in  which  the  child  has  been  received  by 
relatives  and  lived  with  them  long  enough  to  become  a  member 
of  the  family,  it  has  won  its  way  into  their  affections.  Often  a 
family  has  found  it  hard  to  forgive  and  even  more  difficult  to 
forget  the  mother's  disgrace,  but  impossible  not  to  love  the  inno- 
cent victim.  In  3  instances  it  is  the  maternal  grandmother 
who  considers  the  child  her  special  charge.  One  has  brought 

50 


him  up  to  regard  her  as  mother  and  the  natural  mother  as  sister. 
In  this  case  the  mother  :s  married  and  lives  under  the  same  roof, 
but  in  a  different  apartment.  Another  grandmother  has  had  full 
charge  of  the  child  since  it  was  3  weeks  old,  the  mother  con- 
tinuing to  live  with  them  since  her  marriage.  The  child  knows 
that  the  younger  woman  is  her  mother,  but  turns  to  the  older  as 
the  more  responsible.  The  third  grandmother  took  the  child 
from  the  place  of  confinement  ostensibly  as  a  boarder.  The 
mother  returned  home  after  a  few  weeks  spent  supposedly  at 
work. 

Instrumental  in  Causing  Separation.  The  responsibility  for 
permanent  separation  rests  in  6  cases  with  relatives.  In  2 
instances  it  was  the  child's  maternal  grandmother  at  whose  home 
it  was  born  who  gave  it  away  when  a  few  days  old.  The  mother 
was  given  no  voice  in  the  matter.  In  the  other  4  cases  rela- 
tives persuaded  the  mother  to  part  with  the  child,  helped  her  plan 
for  its  disposition,  and  furnished  a  considerable  sum  of  money  to 
complete  the  arrangements.  For  example,  a  mother  held  in  an 
institution  awaiting  deportation  escaped  with  the  child  and  was 
with  relatives  about  one  month  before  apprehension.  During 
that  time  the  baby  was  surrendered  to  an  institution  and  about 
$200  deposited  by  a  relative  for  permanent  care.  The  children 
disposed  of  by  relatives  with  one  exception  were  very  young 
babies.  The  antagonistic  attitude  of  relatives  toward  keeping 
the  child  had  its  influence  on  the  final  decision  of  more  than  one 
mother.  There  is  no  discoverable  evidence  of  regret  on  the  part 
of  any  family  that  mother  and  child  were  permanently  separated ; 
on  the  contrary  there  seems  to  be  a  feeling  that  the  incident  of 
illegitimacy  is  closed  with  the  so-called  final  disposition  of  the 
child. 

SEX  CONDUCT 

Marriage  a  Help  in  Keeping  the  Child.  Marriage  ranked 
next  in  importance  to  relatives  as  a  means  of  keeping  the  child. 
It  was  of  assistance  in  three  ways:  First,  by  restoring  the  un- 
married mother  to  a  respected  social  status ;  second,  by  providing 
support ;  third,  by  establishing  a  permanent  home  for  mother  and 
child.  Of  the  24  marriages  contracted  by  the  mothers  of  Group 

51 


I  during  pregnancy  or  since  the  child's  birth,  one-third  were  with 
the  father.  In  20  cases  the  mother  is  1iving  with  her  husband 
and  in  17  has  the  child  with  her.  Five  couples  have  separated. 
In  2  of  these  cases  it  is  the  child's  father  and  mother  who  have 
separated.  In  both  cases  the  marriage,  unsuccessful  in  other  re- 
spects, helped  the  mother  retain  the  child  by  restoring  a  respected 
social  standing.  Both  girls  have  self-esteem  and  are  high-grade 
wage  earners  of  good  intelligence,  one  normal,  the  other  dull 
normal.  They  are  able  to  cope  with  the  problem  of  support  with- 
out assistance  from  the  child's  father.  The  condemnatory  atti- 
tude of  society  towards  them  as  unmarried  mothers  would  be 
most  difficult  for  them  to  meet. 

The  stigma  of  illegitimacy  has  been  removed  from  12  chil- 
dren of  this  Group,  8  by  the  belated  marriage  of  the  parents,  4 
through  adoption  by  the  mother's  husband.  In  several  other 
cases  adoption  is  under  consideration.  It  is  important  to  remem- 
ber that  the  mother's  marriage  to  someone  other  than  the  father 
does  not  change  the  legal  status  of  the  child.  Adoption  by  the 
mother's  husband  is  necessary  for  legitimization. 

Irregular  Sex  Conduct  of  Group  I.  It  is  interesting  to  study 
the  conduct  of  the  girls  in  the  light  of  the  theory  that  keeping  the 
child  deters  the  mother  from  further  sex  irregularity.  Eleven, 
more  than  one-fourth  of  the  41  mothers  of  Group  I,  are  known 
to  have  had  illicit  relations  since  the  child's  birth  as  follows :  Two 
of  those  who  finally  married  the  father  of  the  child  had  relations 
with  at  least  one  other  man  during  the  time  which  elapsed  before 
marriage;  5  became  pregnant  by  and  married  a  man  not  the 
father  of  the  child  of  this  study ;  1  not  pregnant  married  the 
second  of  the  two  men  with  whom  she  is  known  to  have  been 
sexually  intimate  since  the  birth  of  the  child;  3  mothers  have 
given  birth  to  a  third  illegitimate  child.  Four  of  those  who  mar- 
ried a  man  other  than  the  father  and  with  whom  she  had  had  sex 
relations  kept  the  child  with  her  continuously.  Indeed,  one  of 
them,  the  mother  of  two  illegitimate  children,  had  had  both  with 
her.  Supervision  had  been  particularly  good  in  the  case  of  one 
of  these  mothers  who  had  remained  at  housework  with  the  child 
under  agency  care.  Only  the  mother  who  had  the  two  children 
with  her  can  be  said  to  have  had  real  difficulty  in  getting  on. 

52 


Believers  in  separation  of  mother  and  child  may  find  support  of 
their  theory  in  the  fact  that  2  of  the  mothers  having  a  third 
illegitimate  child  had  kept  the  older  children,  the  third  having 
parted  with  one  and  retained  the  other. 

Eight  mothers  guilty  of  illicit  relations  subsequent  to  the 
birth  of  the  child  of  this  study  apparently  ceased  sex  irregularity 
at  marriage. 

Marriage  of  Those  Separated  From  Child.  One-third  of 
Group  II  have  married,  all  since  the  child's  birth.  Eight  couples 
are  living  together.  Two  mothers  married  the  father.  In  one 
instance  the  death  of  the  child  united  the  parents.  The  father, 
a  widower,  had  evaded  his  responsibility  and  left  the  burden  of 
support  as  well  as  the  disgrace  to  the  mother,  who  had  become 
pregnant  while  acting  as  his  housekeeper.  Her  grief  at  losing 
the  child  stirred  him.  A  successful  marriage  resulted.  The 
woman  is  making  an  acceptable  stepmother  and  companion  to 
the  man's  three  children  and  a  good  mother  to  the  child  born 
since  marriage.  The  other  case  is  typical  of  many  belated  mar- 
riages. The  man  had  been  arraigned  on  a  charge  of  bastardy. 
During  a  continuance  of  the  case,  the  marriage  took  place. 
There  was  no  basis  of  affection  and  no  stability  of  character  in 
man  or  woman.  It  was  the  mother's  second  illegitimate  child. 
The  couple  lived  together  for  a  few  months  at  the  man's  home 
which  was  already  overcrowded  by  a  large  family.  Then  the 
mother  went  with  her  child  to  her  father's  home,  where  she  re- 
mained until  the  child  died  at  about  1  year  of  age.  She  did 
her  best  for  the  baby  and  was  worn  out  and  grief-stricken  at  its 
death.  She  could  have  continued  to  live  at  her  father's  comfort- 
able home  and  have  buried  the  past  with  the  help  of  her  family 
and  her  married  status,  but  she  chose  to  return  to  the  old  com- 
panions. A  third  illegitimate  child  by  a  third  man  is  the  result. 
Marriage  in  this  case  served  to  end  the  prosecution  of  the  father 
and  to  give  the  child  a  name.  On  the  other  hand  it  united  two 
people  unfitted  for  family  responsibility.  It  is  heartening  to 
find  one  victim  of  rape,  who  was  but  13  when  attacked  by  a 
drunken  stepfather,  happily  married  to  a  young  man  as  whole- 
some as  she.  Both  joyfully  anticipated  the  birth  of  their  own 


53 


child.  The  husband  knows  of  the  previous  child  which  was  still- 
born, and  holds  his  wife  blameless. 

Five  of  the  8  girls  whose  second  or  third  illegitimate 
pregnancy  caused  her  inclusion  in  this  study  are  married.  Two 
of  these  contracted  a  forced  marriage  when  pregnant  for  the 
third  time,  with  a  man  not  responsible  for  either  of  the  previous 
pregnancies.  In  one  case  the  mother,  of  borderline  intelligence, 
had  been  relieved  of  both  children :  of  the  first  by  death,  of  the 
second  by  adoption.  She  married  about  two  years  after  the  birth 
of  the  second  child  and  less  than  one  year  after  parting  with  it. 
In  the  other  case  the  mother,  dull  normal  in  intelligence,  married  a 
hopeless  cripple  several  years  her  junior,  when  she  became  illegiti- 
mately pregnant  by  him.  He  was  the  fourth  man  with  whom  she 
is  known  to  have  been  sexually  irregular.  The  husband,  owing 
to  'his  physical  condition,  was  dependent  upon  relatives ;  the 
mother,  unable  to  support  herself  and  two  children — one  of 
whom  she  had  already  kept  about  five  years — allowed  the  older  to 
be  placed  for  adoption  and  once  more  undertook  domestic  work 
this  time  with  the  legitimate  child. 

In  considering  the  number  of  marriages  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  of  the  34  'mothers  constituting  this  Group,  2  who 
have  received  institutional  care  continuously  since  the  birth  of 
the  child  and  the  1  who  died  at  childbirth  had  no  opportunity 
to  marry.  Moreover,  the  period  during  which  4  others  were 
free  to  marry  was  shortened,  in  1  case  by  death  when  the  baby 
was  18  months  old,  and  in  3  by  institutional  care  for  a  part 
of  the  time  since  confinement. 

Irregular  Sex  Conduct  of  Group  II.  Practically  1  of  every 
3  mothers  separated  from  the  child  has  'shown  evidence  of  sex 
irregularity  since  confinement.  Evidence  of  further  illicit  rela- 
tions is  complete  in  7  cases,  consisting  of  one  mother's  own  state- 
ment, the  pregnancy  of  another,  the  forced  marriage  of  a  third, 
and  illegitimate  children  born  to  4  others.  The  facts  warrant 
questioning  the  sex  conduct  of  5  other  mothers.  Of  those  known 
or  suspected  of  sex  delinquency  subsequent  to  confinement,  5  had 
been  illegitimately  pregnant  at  least  once  before  the  birth  of  the 
child  considered  in  this  study.  But  1  mother  is  known  to  have 
been  sexually  irregular  after  marriage. 

54 


Marriage  and  Sex  Irregularity  of  Group  III.  The  meagre 
data  at  hand  shows  that  3  mothers  have  probably  been  irregular 
sexually  since  the  birth  of  the  child.  No  information  has  been 
secured  that  would  indicate  marriage  for  any  of  this  Group. 

Marriage  and  Sex  Conduct  of  Groups  I,  II,  and  III.  From 
the  facts  at  hand  it  appears : 

(1)  That  of  the  82  mothers  under  consideration  35,  less 
than  half,  are  known  to  have  been  married  at  or  since  the  birth 
of  the  child  here  considered.     More  than  half  of  those  who  kept 
the  baby,  about  one-third  of  those  who  gave  it  up,  married.    The 
present  marital  condition  of  those  composing  Group  III  cannot 
be  given.     It  must  be  remembered  that  death  and  method  of 
treatment  precluded  the  possibility  of  marriage  for  some  mothers 
and  shortened  the  period  of  opportunity  for  others  of  Group  II, 
so  that  it  is  fair  to  say  that  something  over  half  of  those  in 
Groups  I  and  II  free  to  marry  did  so.     Marriage  came  about  as 
early  as  several  months  before  the  child's  birth  and  as  late  as 
five  and  a  half  years  after.    The  average  time  which  elapsed  be- 
fore marriage  was  approximately  two  years,  the  same  for  those 
who  kept  and  those  who  were  separated  from  the  child. 

(2)  In  1  case  in  8  marriage  betwen  the  child's  parents  oc- 
curred.    Eight  of  the  10  mothers  who  married  the  father  kept 
the  child. 

(3)  Subsequent  to  the  birth   of   the   child   of   this   study 
7  mothers  became  pregnant  by  and  married  someone  other  than 
the  father.     Five  of  these  forced  marriages  were  contracted  by 
those  who  kept  the  child. 

(4)  Group  I  had  7  mothers  free  to  marry  who  had  been 
illegitimately  pregnant  at  least  once  previous  to  the  birth  of  this 
child ;  1  of  these  married.     Group  II  had  8  of  whom  5  married. 

(5)  Almost  one-fourth  of  the  mothers  were  "repeaters," 
i.  e.,  they  had  been  illegitimately  pregnant  at  least  once  previous 
to  the  time  of  particular  concern  to  this  study.     Eight  are  found 
in  Group  I,  9  in  Group  II,  3  in  Group  III.     Sixteen  children 
had  already   been  born   to  these   mothers.     Seven    "repeaters", 
continued  an  irregular  sex  life  with  the  result  that  6  again  be- 
came  pregnant.     Nine  other  individuals,  5  belonging  in  Group 
I,  whose  first  experience  in  unmarried  motherhood  brought  them 

55 


within  the  scope  of  this  study  have  again  become  pregnant 
through  illicit  relations.  The  proportion  has  grown  from  about 
one-fourth  to  more  than  one-third  of  the  whole  until  there  are  29 
who  have  been  illegitimately  pregnant  at  least  twice,  10  of  them 
three  times.  There  are  facts  at  hand  to  warrant  the  estimate 
that  at  least  9  mothers,  6  of  them  "repeaters"  are  not  living  free 
from  irregular  sex  conduct  at  the  present  time.  Of  this  number 
3  belong  to  Group  I,  6  to  Group  II. 

(6)  A  total  of  19,  nearly  one-fourth,  are  known  to  have 
had  some  irregular  sex  experience  since  the  child's  birth;  11 
of  Group  I,  7  of  Group  II,  1  of  Group  III.  In  addition  the 
sex  conduct  of  11,  of  whom  8  belong  to  Group  II,  has  been  open 
to  question  at  some  time  since  confinement.  Forty-two,  about 
half  the  total  number,  have  led  a  life  apparently  free  from 
further  irregular  sex  conduct.  Twenty-seven  of  these  have  kept 
the  child  as  compared  with  15  who  have  been  separated  from  it. 
Care  must  be  taken  to  give  due  weight  to  the  fact  that  death  and 
method  of  treatment  prevented  or  limited  the  opportunity  for  free 
action  on  the  part  of  7  of  Group  II.  It  must  also  be  re- 
membered that  data  is  lacking  in  regard  to  several  of  the  mothers 
who  have  disappeared. 

Unmarried  motherhood  appears  less  like  a  problem  of  the 
individual  and  more  a  matter  of  community  concern  when  with 
complete  data  lacking  in  several  cases  it  can  be  stated  that  up  to 
the  present  time  there  are  known  to  have  been  at  least  122 
illegitimate  pregnancies  among  82  mothers  resulting  in  the  birth 
of  111  children. 

EMPLOYMENT  SUBSEQUENT  TO  AGENCY  CARE 

Study  of  occupation  subsequent  to  agency  care  shows  two 
points  of  note :  First,  only  5  mothers  since  they  have  been  free 
to  choose  their  own  work  are  known  to  have  undertaken  house- 
work with  the  child,  3  of  Group  I,  2  of  Group  II.  It  is  in- 
teresting to  discover  how  small  is  the  number  who  undertook 
this  work  with  the  child  in  view  of  the  fact  that  a  third  of 
all  the  mothers  had  had  some  experience  in  domestic  work  before 
confinement,  and  that  the  agencies  by  placing  so  generally  in  this 
employment  had  not  only  added  to  this  number  but  demonstrated 

56 


the  possibility  of  keeping  the  child  by  this  occupation.  Second, 
12  of  the  14  classified  as  "clerks  and  kindred  workers"1  at  the 
time  of  application  to  the  agency  returned  to  and  remained  in  the 
same  class  of  employment  when  they  were  free  to  choose  their 
own  work.  This  shows  less  change  of  occupation  than  occurs  in 
either  of  the  other  two  classes  of  gainfully  employed.  Moreover, 
one-half  this  class  graded  above  borderline  intelligence,  a  larger 
proportion  of  mothers  of  better  intelligence  equipment  than  ex- 
isted among  those  originally  classified  as  "semiskilled  workers" 
or  as  "servants."  More  than  half  of  those  who  returned  to  the 
same  kind  of  work  had  spent  from  one  to  four  years  at  high 
school,  taken  a  business  course,  or  had  attended  high  as  well  as 
business  school.  These  mothers,  therefore,  went  back  to  work 
for  which  they  were  equipped  by  education  which  they  were  able 
to  acquire  because  of  intelligence.  Industrial  conditions  due  to 
the  war  so  increased  wages  that  at  least  9  of  the  factory 
workers,  some  of  low  intelligence,  are  known  to  have  earned  $25 
or  more  a  week.  This  was  in  excess  of  the  amount  earned  by 
the  better  trained,  more  purposeful  "clerk  and  kindred  workers." 
Domestic  service  demanded  from  $12  to  $15  per  week.  Such 
wages,  of  course,  give  no  clue  to  the  economic  value  of  the  em- 
ployee in  normal  times. 

REASONS  FOR  SEPARATION  OF  MOTHER  AND  CHILD 

Turning  from  a  consideration  of  the  means  by  which  mothers 
were  enabled  to  keep  the  child  to  the  reasons  for  giving  it  up,  it 
appears  that  in  18  of  the  34  cases  which  constitute  Group  II 
separation  was  due  to  some  cause  other  than  agency  influence  or 
care.  In  some  instances  separation  from  the  child  was  eagerly 
sought  and  the  result  of  voluntary  action  on  the  mother's  part; 
in  others  the  cause  ,was  beyond  her  control. 

Adoption.  Eight  children  were  adopted  independently  of 
any  agency  when  under  1  year  of  age,  a  like  number  at  about 
15  months.  The  following  cases  selected  from  the  8  already 
referred  to  show  that  adoption  of  the  child  meant  sacrifice  and 
sorrow  for  some  mothers,  an  easy  means  of  securing  freedom 

1This  is  the  same  classification  as  that  used  by   the  Children's 
Bureau  in  "Illegitimacy  as  a  Child-Welfare  Problem,"  part  2,  p.  122. 


57 


from  an  unwelcome  burden  for  others.  Two  mothers  showed 
reluctance  at  parting  with  the  child.  The  first,  of  dull  normal  in- 
telligence, whose  responsibilities  were  heavy  because  she  was  the 
oldest  of  a  large  number  of  children,  was  torn  between  duty  to 
her  family  and  to  the  child.  After  a  period  of  housework  with 
the  baby  she  placed  it  in  an  institution  in  another  state.  Becom- 
ing dissatisfied  with  its  care,  she  returned  to  domestic  service  with 
it.  Again,  she  became  restless.  Next  she  placed  the  child,  then 
15  months  old,  for  adoption.  Referring  to  this  she  said,  "Giving 
it  up  is  not  a  question  of  affection  but  of  what  I  can  do."  The 
second  mother,  feeble-minded,  came  to  this  country  in  early 
pregnancy.  Friends  of  her  family  persuaded  her  to  part  with 
the  child  then  a  few  months  old,  arranged  the  adoption,  and  al- 
lowed her  to  return  home.  They  feel  certain  that  her  secret  is 
unknown  even  to  her  parents.  This  mother  grieved  for  the  baby, 
but  now  finds  separation  made  bearable  by  the  fact  that  the 
friends  who  secured  the  adoption  frequently  see  it  and  know 
that  it  is  well  cared  for.  In  contrast  to  this  sorrow  at  parting 
with  the  child  and  concern  for  its  future  welfare,  there  appears 
to  be  a  lack  of  motherly  feeling  and  a  callousness  as  to  the  child's 
fate  in  several  cases.  For  example,  another  girl  of  dull  normal 
intelligence,  kept  the  child  at  her  father's  home  for  a  short  time, 
then  placed  it  at  board  and  was  content  to  allow  it  to  be  adopted 
through  the  boarding  home  at  15  months  without  knowing  the 
identity  of  the  adoptive  parents  or  anything  about  them.  Still 
another  mother,  feeble-minded,  with  two  illegitimate  children, 
showed  no  reluctance  at  giving  both  children  for  adoption.  No 
relation  is  apparent  between  the  mother's  affection  for  the  child 
and  her  intelligence.  Other  illustrations  could  be  given  to  show 
that  the  feeble-minded,  the  normal,  and  those  grading  between 
have  parted  with  the  child,  reluctantly  in  some  cases,  eagerly  in 
others. 

What  of  the  homes  into  which  these  children  have  gone? 
What  kind  of  stock  has  been  transplanted  ?  Insufficient  informa- 
tion makes  it  impossible  to  answer  the  first  question.  In  reply 
to  the  second  it  can  be  said  that  the  psychiatric  examination 
graded  the  intelligence  of  the  mothers  of  6  of  these  8  children 
as  follows:  2  dull  normal,  2  borderline,  2  feeble-minded.  The 

58 


other  2  mothers  were  unclassified  as  to  intelligence  because  they 
did  not  cooperate  in  the  tests.  One  was  "emotionally  unstable, 
strongly  antagonistic,  and  paranoid  and  secretive,"  but  "ap- 
parently of  fair  intelligence."  The  other  was  "hysterical,  se- 
cretive and  depressed ;  not  graded  by  intelligence  tests  because  of 
her  emotional  inability  to  cooperate." 

The  need  already  indicated  (p.  41)  of  some  authoritative 
supervision  which  would  guarantee  reasonable  care  for  all  illegiti- 
mate children  and  prevent  disposition  according  to  the  whim  of  a 
mother  who  may  be  feeble-minded,  insane,  or  otherwise  unfit, 
or  who  is  bound  to  be  relieved  of  her  responsibility  regardless 
of  the  welfare  of  the  child,  becomes  again  apparent  when  it  is 
found  that  8  of  the  13  children  known  to  have  been  adopted 
were  placed  with  prospective  adoptive  parents  without  investiga- 
tion by  agency  or  person  competent  to  make  this  delicate  social 
adjustment. 

The  New  York  State  Charities  Aid  Association  has  recently 
completed  a  six  months'  study  of  advertisements  appearing  in 
New  York  papers  offering  children  for  adoption  to  anyone  who 
applies  for  them  and  advertisements  seeking  children  to  "adopt." 
The  study  shows  that  children  are  often  taken  from  their  mothers 
without  legal  formalities,  that  they  are  frequently  returned  and 
passed  from  person  to  person  and  "in  some  cases  all  traces  of  the 
identity  of  the  child  are  lost  and  it  has  not  a  vestige  of  legal 
standing  during  the  coming  years."  Some  of  the  conclusions 
are  interesting:  "It  is  clear  that  large  numbers  of  unmarried 
mothers  are  surrendering  their  babies  to  strangers  about  whose 
morals,  personality,  financial  standing  and  standards  of  living 
they  know  nothing  *  *  *  that  children  of  unknown  history  and 
family  traits  who  are  possibly  feeble-minded,  psychopathic  or 
tainted  with  inherited  disease,  are  being  foisted  upon  ignorant  but 
in  many  cases  well-meaning  foster  parents ;  that  such  indiscrimi- 
nate giving  away  of  children  not  only  works  great  hardships 
upon  individual  children  and  individual  foster  parents,  but  also 
has  the  effect  of  discrediting  conscientious  and  intelligent  home- 
finding  done  by  competent  child-placing  agencies."1  In  New 


1  New  York  State  Charities  Aid  News  April,  1922. 

59 


York  "the  careless  giving  away  of  children"  is  not  illegal,  neither 
is  it  in  Massachusetts. 

Death  of  Child.  Six  children  died  subsequent  to  agency 
care,  4  while  at  board,  2  with  the  mother.  All  under  2  years  and 
4  were  under  1  year  at  time  of  death. 

Death  of  Mother.  Death  of  the  mother  brought  about  the 
separation  from  a  child  of  18  months  who  was  surrendered  to  an 
institution  by  surviving  relatives. 

INADEQUATE  SUPERVISION  AND  ITS  RESULTS 

It  is  probable  that  close  follow-up  work  would  have  pre- 
vented at  least  2  feeble-minded  mothers  from  legally  abandon- 
ing the  child  after  securing  public  care  for  it.  These  mothers 
were  unable  to  carry  the  whole  burden  but  could  have  shared 
it,  as  they  agreed  to  do,  with  the  taxpayer  to  the  moral  advantage 
of  the  one  and  the  financial  advantage  of  the  other.  One  of  these 
feeble-minded  mothers  who  had  already  kept  her  child  two  and  a 
half  years  visited  it  for  a  few  months  after  placing,  then  dis- 
appeared. It  is  nearly  three  years  since  her  whereabouts  were 
known.  The  other  mother,  whose  last  interest  in  the  child  of 
whom  she  formerly  seemed  so  fond  was  evinced  some  eighteen 
months  ago,  was  found  working  in  a  state  institution  as  an  at- 
tendant where  her  husband  to  whom  she  was  married  after  place- 
ment of  the  child  is  also  employed.  The  total  income  of  the 
couple  is  over  $1,500  and  living,  a  sum  sufficient  to  enable  them 
to  support  the  child.  A  staff  of  workers  adequate  in  number  and 
not  overburdened  with  work  as  at  present,  would  have  permitted 
the  agency  to  keep  in  sufficiently  close  touch  with  this  woman  to 
note  her  improved  financial  and  social  status  and  to  adjust  the 
burden  of  the  child's  care  and  support  accordingly. 

The  fact  that  a  considerable  number  of  these  mothers  were 
unable  to  get  along  without  agency  help  in  addition  to  that  re- 
ceived in  connection  with  the  birth  of  the  child  seems  to  bear  out 
the  contention  that  a  longer  period  of  supervision  was  desirable. 

Following  the  termination  of  care  by  the  agency  responsible 
for  the  case  at  confinement  27  mothers,  nearly  one-third  the  total 
number,  are  known  to  have  made  further  demand  upon  society 
for  some  form  of  assistance  through  agencies  public  and  private. 

60 


In  several  instances  the  same  individual  has  been  the  recipient  of 
care  from  more  than  one  source.  For  example,  a  mother 
venereally  diseased  who  again  became  illegitimately  pregnant  and 
was  finally  committed  to  a  penal  institution  received  medical  care 
for  disease  and  confinement  and  treatment  of  a  punitive  nature 
from  the  court.  Medical  care  for  the  mother  was  a  form  of  help 
given  in  14  cases,  in  10  of  which  it  was  made  necessary  by 
further  sex  irregularity  manifested  by  venereal  disease  or  some 
result  of  it,  by  another  illegitimate  pregnancy,  or  both. 

The  courts  have  dealt  with  4  girls,  committing  2  to  re- 
formatories, one  upon  complaint  of  her  mother  driven  to  this 
course  in  a  vain  attempt  to  prevent  another  illegitimate  pregnancy. 
Probation  was  given  in  2  instances  with  the  understanding  that 
1  mother  was  to  spend  her  term  as  a  voluntary  inmate  of  an 
institution.  It  was  a  sex  offense  in  3  of  the  4  cases  which 
made  court  action  necessary.  In  a  few  instances  a  socially- 
minded  probation  officer  has  supervised  mother  and  child  for 
many  months  while  collecting  money  under  court  order  from  the 
man  adjudged  the  father.  Material  relief  has  been  necessary  in 
a  few  cases  for  short  periods. 

Additional  assistance  was  needed  by  11  children  whose 
mothers  had  been  discharged  from  agency  care  but  were  unable 
to  carry  the  burden  without  further  help.  The  service  rendered 
these  children  varied  from  hospital  treatment  given  over  a  short 
period  to  an  assumption  of  care  with  the  probability  of  perma- 
nency. At  the  present  time  society  is  known  to  be  contributing 
through  voluntary  gifts  or  taxation  partial  support  of  6  children, 
full  support  of  7.  Nine  of  these  13  children  have  been  in  agency 
care  since  birth. 

It  is  well  to  note  that  6  of  the  10  mothers  who  made  addi- 
tional medical  care-  necessary  by  further  sex  irregularity  were 
feeble-minded,  while  one  other  was  psychoneurotic. 

The  case  of  one  mother,  16  when  the  child  was  born  and 
feeble-minded,  demands  special  mention  because  it  illustrates  the 
way  in  which  many  a  girl  unable  to  manage  her  own  life  and 
with  no  one  to  direct  it  for  her,  now  and  then  compels  society 
to  pay  for  its  neglect.  Upon  examination  the  psychiatrist  wrote, 
"Girl  is  dull,  but  it  must  be  noticed  that  she  has  always  been 

61 


undernourished  and  has  had  no  fair  chance  *  *  *  an  ignorant, 
half-starved  little  girl,  pale  and  anemic."  Her  family  has  been 
known  to  sixteen  social  agencies  over  a  period  of  twenty  years. 
The  mental  examination  pointed  out  her  great  need  of  protection. 
The  man  responsible  for  her  condition  was  her  employer,  nearly 
three  times  her  age,  married  and  with  children  of  his  own.  His 
wife  and  this  girl  were  confined  at  the  same  hospital  within  a  few 
weeks  of  each  other.  Since  that  time  this  unmarried  mother 
has  given  birth  to  two  other  children  by  him.  Following  the 
birth  of  the  third  the  girl  was  placed  in  an  institution  for  several 
months  under  strict  discipline.  The  man  was  prosecuted  after 
the  birth  of  the  first  child,  and  although  he  has  been  under  court 
order  for  several  years  and  was  finally  given,  a  suspended 
sentence  to  a  correctional  institution  after  his  third  offense,  he 
has  not  been  deprived  of  his  liberty.  If  this  girl  from  early 
childhood  had  been  protected  and  trained  by  care  in  a  school  for 
the  feeble-minded  or  by  close  supervision  in  the  community,  how 
different  the  story  might  have  been!  This  is  but  one  of  several 
mothers  of  this  study  who  needed  protection  over  a  period  of 
years  and  failed  to  obtain  it. 


62 


SUMMARY 

Eighty-two  women  selected  because  each  ( 1 )  became  illegiti- 
mately pregnant  and  gave  birth  to  a  child  from  three  to  six  years 
previous  to  the  period  of  the  study;  (2)  was  assisted  by  some 
social  agency  because  of  this;  (3)  was  given  a  psychiatric  ex- 
amination in  the  course  of  social  treatment,  are  grouped  accord- 
ing to  whether  they  have  kept  the  child,  been  permanently 
separated  from  it,  or  disappeared  with  it. 

This  arrangement  makes  possible  a  comparison  of  the  mother 
who  has  carried  her  responsibility  with  the  one  who  has  shirked 
or  been  involuntarily  relieved  of  it. 

One-half  of  these  women  have  kept  the  child,  34  have  been 
separated  from  it,  7  have  disappeared  with  it. 

TREATMENT 

While  in  individual  cases  mother  and  child  were  separated 
because  of  mental  defect  or  disease  which  was  discovered  by  the 
psychiatric  examination,  no  attempt  was  made  to  cause  every 
feeble-minded  or  mentally  disordered  mother  to  part  with  the 
child.  Therefore,  mothers  of  every  grade  of  intelligence  still 
have  the  child,  while  others  also  representing  every  grade  of  in- 
telligence have  been  separated  from  it.  No  relation  is  apparent 
between  the  mother's  intelligence  and  her  affection  for  her  off- 
spring. All  who  have  dropped  out  of  sight  with  the  child  are 
unclassified  or  below  the  borderline  grade  of  intelligence. 

The  agencies  undertook  treatment  on  the  assumption  that 
each  mother  was  to  keep  her  child,  and  assisted  her  to  do  so 
until  persuaded  that  separation  was  warranted  by  the  facts  of  the 
particular  case.  Separation  was  decided  upon  after  periods 
varying  from  less  than  a  month  after  confinement  to  more  than 
five  years.  About  one-fourth  of  those  who  are  separated  from 
the  child  kept  it  for  a  considerable  period,  in  one  case  more  than 
five  years. 


63 


AGENCY  PLACEMENT 

With  Relatives.  Following  confinement  the  agencies  at- 
tempted to  re-establish  the  mother  as  a  member  of  her  own  family 
group  whenever  possible  and  desirable. 

More  than  half  the  total  number  of  mothers — five-eighths 
of  them  with  the  child — were  finally  in  the  home  of  parents  or 
relatives. 

In  Employment.  The  agencies  provided  employment  for  the 
majority  of  mothers  who  did  not  go  to  relatives  and  for  those 
whose  return  was  delayed. 

A  little  less  than  half  of  Groups  I  and  II  and  one-third  of 
Group  III  were  placed  at  work,  more  than  four-fifths  of  them 
with  the  child.  Housework  and  wet  nursing  were  the  only  occu- 
pations offered  as  a  first  job.  At  the  expiration  of  one  year  after 
the  first  placement  approximately  two-thirds  of  the  mothers 
placed  by  an  agency  had  ceased  to  work  with  the  child.  Two- 
thirds  of  those  who  continued  a  year  or  more  in  the  occupation 
provided  belong  to  Group  I. 

After  a  period  at  housework  or  wet  nursing  the  agencies 
usually  approved  of  mothers  attempting  other  work  and  assisted 
or  allowed  them  to  find  it. 

Special  training  was  given  to  but  1  of  every  16  mothers. 

The  services  rendered  by  agencies  in  addition  to  the  more 
usual  ones  just  mentioned  are  of  great  importance  and  may  be 
expected  to  increase  in  variety  as  the  treatment  of  the  unmarried 
mother  becomes  less  stereotyped. 

Marriage.  The  agencies  helped  to  bring  about  marriage  in 
only  a  few  cases.  Apparently  it  was  seldom  regarded  as  desir- 
able unless  there  seemed  to  be  a  reasonable  likelihood  of  some 
happiness  and  of  the  establishment  of  a  home  suitable  for  the 
upbringing  of  the  child. 

Separation  of  Mother  and  Child.  Agencies  were  largely  re- 
sponsible for  approximately  one-third  the  total  number  of  separa- 
tions which  occurred.  Practically  half  the  children  separated 
from  the  mother  through  agency  influence  were  legally  adopted, 
the  other  half  placed  in  public  care. 

Supervision.  It  has  been  impossible  to  fix  an  average  time 
during  which  the  agencies  exercised  supervision  owing  to  the  in- 

64 


definiteness  of  many  case  records  on  this  point  and  to  the  lack  of 
uniformity  in  the  use  of  the  term.  Oversight  more  or  less  in- 
tensive was  continued  in  the  majority  of  cases  until  there  seemed 
to  be  reason  to  feel  that  the  mother  could  get  on  without  agency 
help  or  that  further  effort  on  her  behalf  would  be  futile. 

The  supervision  given  the  members  of  Groups  I  and  II  does 
not  seem  to  differ.  There  are  mothers  who  have  kept  the  child 
and  others  who  have  been  separated  from  it  who  received  wise, 
intensive  oversight  over  a  period  of  many  months.  On  the  other 
hand  there  are  individuals  in  both  Groups  who  received  almost  no 
oversight  after  leaving  the  place  of  confinement.  Group  III  as 
a  whole  received  less  oversight  than  either  of  the  others.  The 
responsibility  for  nearly  half  of  Group  III  was  transferred  fol- 
lowing confinement  to  public  officials,  federal  and  state,  who 
arranged  for  deportation  or  return  to  out-of-state  authorities. 
Other  mothers  needed  but  did  not  desire  supervision  from  any 
source  and  soon  dropped  out  of  sight. 

The  mothers  of  all  Groups  received  practically  the  same 
treatment  due  probably  in  large  measure  to  the  fact  that  the 
ultimate  goal  of  the  agencies  was  keeping  mother  and  child  to- 
gether and  that  separation  was  advocated  only  as  a  last  resort. 
At  present  there  seem  to  be  but  a  limited  number  of  things  which 
agencies  are  doing  for  the  unmarried  mother.  More  flexibility 
of  treatment  will  undoubtedly  develop  with  greater  understanding 
of  the  real  need  of  the  individual  and  of  the  problem. 

SUBSEQUENT  HISTORY 

The  latest  information  obtainable  shows  that  2  of  the  82 
mothers  of  the  study  have  died,  the  present  whereabouts  of  9 
are  unknown,  2  legally  abandoning  the  child,  7  disappearing 
with  it.  Of  the  remainder  all  but  2  are  in  the  community.  A 
little  more  than  one-fourth  of  the  feeble-minded  of  the  study 
are  receiving  oversight,  some  of  it  superficial,  from  various 
sources.  In  other  words,  approximately  three-fourths  of  the 
feeble-minded  are  in  the  community  unsupervised. 

Occupation.  When  the  mothers  were  free  to  select  employ- 
ment: 


65 


(1)  Only  a  very  small  proportion  went  to  housework  with 
the  child. 

(2)  Six-sevenths  of  those  employed  as  "clerks  or  kindred 
workers"  at  the  time  of  pregnancy  went  back  to  that  class  of 
work  and  remained  in  it. 

Half  the  mothers  included  in  this  classification  were  above 
the  borderline  grade  of  intelligence — a  higher  proportion  of 
mothers  of  better  intelligence  than  appears  among  those  desig- 
nated as  "semiskilled"  or  as  "servants."  It  is  apparent  that  there 
has  been  less  changing  from  one  classification  of  work  to  another 
among  those  of  better  intelligence. 

Attitude  of  Relatives.  While  the  relations  existing  between 
the  mother  and  her  family  since  confinement  have  not  always 
been  helpful  or  cordial,  it  is  evident  that  relatives  have  played  an 
important  part  in  deciding  whether  the  mother  should  keep  the 
child  or  be  permanently  parted  from  it. 

In  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  cases  in  which  the  mother 
kept  the  child  relatives  helped  to  make  it  possible.  In  the  largest 
number  of  instances  they  assisted  by  giving  the  mother  a  home  at 
least  for  a  time.  In  more  than  four-fifths  of  these  cases  the 
baby  was  permitted  to  accompany  the  mother. 

Relatives,  on  the  other  hand, -were  largely  responsible  for 
permanent  'separation  of  mother  and  child  in  about  1  case  in  every 
6  where  it  occurred. 

SEPARATION  OF  MOTHER  AND  CHILD 

Slightly  more  than  half  the  total  number  of  separations  oc- 
curred apart  from  agency  care  or  influence. 

Adoption  was  arranged  for  parctically  1  child  in  every 
4  separated  from  its  mother  by  individuals  interested  primarily 
in  disposing  of  it.  Whether  the  adoptive  homes  were  suitable, 
what  has  been  the  fate  of  these  children,  is  not  known.  The  im- 
portant fact  is  that  there  is  no  agency  in  Massachusetts  charged 
with  the  responsibility  of  making  an  investigation  to  determine 
the  fitness  of  a  prospective  adoption  from  the  point  of  view  of 
the  child,  its  mother,  and  the  adoptive  parents.  When  it  is  con- 
sidered that  under  agency  auspices  and  independently  something 
over  one-third  the  total  number  of  children  permanently  separated 

66 


from  the  mother — almost  one-sixth  of  all  the  children  of  the 
study — have  been  legally  adopted,  it  becomes  apparent  that  adop- 
tion is  a  method  frequently  used  in  disposing  of  illegitimate 
children. 

Death.  About  1  child  in  every  8  of  the  study  has  died — 
twice  as  many  since  as  during  agency  care.  All  of  these  children 
were  under  2  years  of  age,  four-fifths  under  1  year  at  the  time 
of  death. 

The  facts  relating  to  adoption  and  death  indicate  the  need  of 
authority  which  would  enable  the  State  to  exercise  supervision 
over  all  its  illegitimate  children  and  thereby  prevent  "the  placing 
of  a  child  for  adoption,  the  transferring  of  guardianship,  or  the 
permanent  placement  for  care  without  order  of  the  court  or  State 
Department  made  after  investigation." 

RELATION  OF  SECRECY  TO  SOCIAL  REHABILITATION 

Secrecy  which  is  sometimes  regarded  as  the  unmarried 
mother's  protection  has  been  maintained  so  completely  in  a  few 
cases  as  to  exclude  close  relatives  from  a  knowledge  of  the 
mother's  experience.  Thus  the  girl  is  enmeshed  in  a  web  of  de- 
ception which  is  a  tremendous  handicap  to  social  rehabilitation. 
Moreover,  the  effect  on  the  Individual  of  constant  fear  of  dis- 
covery and  repression  may  be  serious.  The  mothers  who  are 
struggling  to  keep  the  child  under  these  circumstances  seem  to  be 
carrying  a  heavier  burden  than  any  others  of  the  study.  Ap- 
parently they  are  facing  disgrace  aggravated  by  long-practiced 
deception  should  the  facts  become  known,  deep  sorrow  at  part- 
ing with  the  child  after  years  of  real  sacrifice  to  maintain  it 
should  they  decide  upon  separation,  or  an  indefinite  period  of 
more  worry,  sacrifice,  and  deception. 

SEX 

Keeping  the  child  has  not  deterred  approximately  one- fourth 
of  the  mothers  of  Group  I  from  further  sex  irregularity.  On  the 
other  hand  about  one-fifth  of  those  who  have  been  "relieved  of 
the  burden  of  the  support  and  complications  which  an  illegitimate 
child  entails"  have  also  had  illicit  relations  since  the  birth  of  the 
child  of  the  study  resulting  in  5  additional  illegitimate  preg- 


nancies.  More  than  two-thirds  of  those  known  to  have  been 
sexually  irregular  since  confinement  and  almost  three- fourths  of 
those  suspected  of  being,  are  below  the  dull  normal  grade  of  in- 
telligence, unclassified,  or  suffering  from  some  psychic  disorder. 

These  facts  seem  to  indicate  that  the  mother's  intelligence 
and  mental  health  are  important  factors  in  her  ability  to  control 
her  sex  activity. 

Marriage.  Less  than  half  the  mothers  of  the  study  are 
married,  about  one-half  of  Group  I,  approximately  one-third  of 
Group  II.  Data  is  lacking  concerning  Group  III. 

Marriage  must  be  regarded  as  a  powerful  stabilizer  as  is 
demonstrated  by  two  facts :  (1)  More  than  six-sevenths  of  those 
mothers  who  married  subsequent  to  the  birth  of  the  child  seem  to 
have  lived  free  from  suspicion  of  sex  irregularity  since  mar- 
riage. A  considerable  number  of  these  were  known  to  have  had 
illicit  relations  between  confinement  and  marriage.  (2)  The 
mothers  who  are  considered  to  be  better  adjusted  socially  at 
present  than  when  pregnancy  occurred  are  with  few  exceptions 
married. 

Responsibility  and  love  for  the  child  unquestionably  play  an 
important  part  in  the  life  of  many  unmarried  mothers,  but  these 
factors  evidently  do  not  entirely  keep  the  sex  life  within  the 
bounds  prescribed  by  society. 


68 


III.  GENERAL  CONCLUSIONS,  TABLES  AND  CHARTS 

Without  regard  to  the  method  of  treatment  or  any  inter- 
current  circumstance  and  taking  only  the  bare  facts  which  emerge 
from  Miss  Parker's  investigation,  let  us  see  where  the  82  un- 
married mothers  stand  after  the  lapse  of  approximately  five 
years.  What  we  wish  to  know,  naturally,  indeed  all  that  we  can 
know,  is  how  they  have  turned  out  from  the  viewpoint  of  society. 
We  cannot,  of  course,  gauge  the  subtle  internal  or  psychic  effect 
on  their  own  personality  or  character,  nor  the  indirect  and  re- 
mote effect  on  society  that  will  not  become  evident  until  the 
children  of  these  mothers  become  active  elements  in  the  com- 
munity. We  can  take  account  only  of  such  material,  external, 
and  immediate  effects  as  we  can  see.  As  in  all  purely  social 
evaluations,  we  must  judge  by  outward  signs  alone. 

Proceeding  from  this  objective  standpoint,  we  have  singled 
out  certain  particulars  that  are  commonly  considered  indicative 
of  social  worth  in  the  individual,  namely,  occupational  and  eco- 
nomic status,  or  what  the  girl  works  at  and  earns;  moral  and 
social  status,  or  how  the  girl  acts,  that  is,  whether  she  abides  by 
the  law  and  the  accepted  social  standards;  and,  because  of  its 
peculiar  relation  to  this  problem,  marital  status.  On  the  basis  of 
these  particulars  combined  under  the  head  of  social  status,  we 
have  attempted  to  decide,  after  a  careful  weighing  of  each  girl's 
record,  whether  at  the  time  the  investigation  closed  she  had  a 
better,  a  worse,  or  the  same  social  status  that  she  had  at  the  time 
the  experience  came  to  her. 

We  have  also  attempted  to  discern  whether  by  this  experi- 
ence of  motherhood  without  marriage  she  has  injured  or  not  ap- 
preciably affected  society.  (There  was  no  evidence  that  she  had 
bettered  society.)  Here  again,  we  can  take  account  only  of  the 
direct  and  tangible  injury  brought  to  the  community,  such  as  ex- 
pense of  one  sort  or  another  over  and  above  that  for  mere  con- 
finement (this  is  assumed  to  be  a  normal  province  of  the  agen- 
cies), for  prolonged  hospital  or  institutional  care  for  mother  or 
child,  for  public  or  private  care  of  the  child,  for  law  procedures ; 

69 


or  such  social  inquiry  as  the  disrupting  of  family  relationships 
either  in  the  girl's  own  family  or  in  that  of  the  partner ;  undue 
scandal  in  the  neighborhood;  death  of  the  girl  from  causes  de- 
pending on  the  fact  of  pregnancy;  etc. 

It  can  readily  be  seen  that  the  outcome  to  the  girl  and  the 
outcome  to  society  are  not  necessarily  the  same.  For  example,  a 
girl  through  being  an  unmarried  mother,  may  occasion  much 
expense  to  the  community  for  hospital  and  other  care  for  herself 
and  child,  for  prosecution  of  the  partner,  and  for  other  items: 
yet  if  later  the  child  having  been  given  for  adoption  or  to  an 
agency,  the  girl  marries  and  betters  her  social  condition,  al- 
though the  community  is  considerably  out  of  pocket  the  girl  her- 
self at  the  moment  of  our  inquiry  is  clearly  a  better  social  asset 
than  she  was  when  she  came  into  the  initial  study. 

In  making  our  conclusions  as  to  the  social  readjustment,  or 
as  we  term  it  "the  social  status,"  we  have  been  forced  to  adopt 
arbitrary  definitions  as  to  what  was  better,  worse,  and  the  same 
in  order  to  make  our  decisions  uniform  and  comparable  and  al- 
ways from  the  objective  standpoint.  Without  such  definition  we 
found  ourselves  shifting  from  objective  to  subjective  evaluations: 
interpreting  sometimes  on  the  basis  of  social  evidence  and  some- 
times on  what  we  happened  to  know  or  thought  we  knew  of  the 
girl's  ethical  and  moral  principle  and  force  of  character.  Accord- 
ingly, we  had  to  eliminate  all  attempt  to  measure  outcome  in 
terms  of  abstract  attributes  and  to  limit  ourselves  solely  to  what 
we  could  see  of  her  social  reactions  and  circumstances.  In  order 
to  be  clear  as  to  what  we  mean  by  better,  worse,  and  same  we 
illustrate :  A  girl  who  was  married  and  living  in  an  established 
home  in  an  apparently  satisfactory  way  with  her  husband,  we 
considered  a  better  social  unit.  A  girl  married  but  separated  or 
divorced  and  without  an  established  home  and  generally  occupy- 
ing a  less  respected  or  a  less  influential  position,  we  considered 
a  worse  social  unit  even  though  she  may  have  shown  force  of 
character  in  sacrificing  her  own  interests  to  that  of  her  child; 
also  a  girl  in  an  institution  or  wholly  or  partly  dependent  on  an 
agency  for  support  or  one  in  any  way  functioning  on  a  lower 
social  plane  than  she  was  at  the  time  she  entered  into  our  initial 
study,  we  placed  in  the  category  of  worse.  A  girl  who  gave 

70 


away  her  child  or  had  it  assimilated  by  her  own  family  and  went 
on  with  her  daily  life  as  if  nothing  had  happened  and  without 
apparent  change  in  her  conduct  or  external  circumstances,  we 
considered  the  same  social  unit. 

The  conclusions  are  presented  in  the  tables  and  charts  which 
follow.  Because  mental  status  has  been  made  the  underlying 
motif  of  this  study,  the  tables  and  charts  have  been  arranged  so 
as  to  show  results  in  relation  to  the  various  mental  diagnoses. 

TABLE  I 

TABLE  SHOWING  THE  PRESENT  SOCIAL  STATUS  OF  82  UNMARRIED  MOTHERS 
COMPARED  WITH  THE  SOCIAL  STATUS  AT  THE  TIME  OF  PREGNANCY 
(APPROXIMATELY   FIVE   YEARS   PREVIOUSLY)    ARRANGED   AC- 
CORDING TO  THE  MENTAL  DIAGNOSIS 


Intelligence 

Better 

Same 

Worse 

Un- 
known 

Died 

Total 

Normal 
I.  Q.  105  to  90  

6 

2 

1 

0 

0 

9 

Dull  normal 
I.  Q.     89  to  80  

7 

8 

4 

0 

0 

19 

Borderline 
I    Q      79  to  70 

5 

8 

4 

2 

1 

20 

Feeble-minded 
I    Q      69  to  50       .... 

6 

7 

5 

5 

0 

23 

Unclassified 
I.  Q    not  certain  .    ... 

4 

2 

2 

2 

1 

11 

Total  

28 

27 

16 

9 

2 

82 

Psychopathic 

(Psychotic,  Psycho- 

neurotic,  Epileptic)    .  . 

3 

1 

4 

2 

1 

11 

71 


CHART  I   (TABLE  I) 

SHOWING  PRESENT  SOCIAL  STATUS    (THE  PERCENTAGES  OF  THE  VARIOUS 
INTELLIGENCE  GRADES  ARE  INSERTED) 


BETTER 


100 
50 
45 
40 

35 

30 


SAME 


WORSE 


UNKN  OWN 
DISAPPEARED 


DIED 


20 


15 


10 


32.  9 


19.5 


10.9 


72 


CHART  I A   (TABLE  I) 

SHOWING  THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  THE  PBESENT  SOCIAL  STATUS  IN  THE 
VARIOUS  MENTAL  DIAGNOSES 


INTELLIGENCE    STATUS 


PSYCHO 
CONDITIONS 


NOR  MALI  DULL  NORHALiBORDERHNIEiFEE.eLEn^OEDiUNCLAS$iFIED 


Trmrr 


73 


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CHART  II  (TABLE  II) 

SHOWING  THE  APPARENT  EFFECT  ON  THE  COMMUNITY  IN  RELATION  TO  THE 
VARIOUS  MENTAL  DIAGNOSES 


INTELLIGENCE     STATUS 


NORMAL    DULL  NORMAL  BORDERLINE   PEEBLtniNDW  UNCLASSIFIED   CONDITIONS 


•  Bad  Effect 

H  No  Apparent  Effect 


75 


With  less  than  one-fifth  of  the  group  occupying  after  a  rela- 
tively brief  lapse  of  time  a  social  position  worse  than  at  the  time 
the  experience  came  to  them,  it  would  appear  that  the  incident 
of  maternity  without  marriage  had  not  played  the  havoc  in  the 
life  of  the  individual  that  the  accounts  of  the  novelists  or  the 
ominous  regard  of  society  would  lead  one  to  expect.  Yet,  surely, 
no  reader  would  possibly  see  in  this  an  implication  that  for  a 
woman  to  have  a  child  without  being  married  was  an  easy  or  a 
desirable  thing.  There  are,  as  anyone  can  see,  many  intricate  and 
far-reaching  ramifications  of  the  subject  which  to  discuss  would 
lead  too  far  afield  for  present  purposes.  If  the  selective  character 
of  the  cases  figuring  in  this  study  is  kept  in  mind,  as  indeed  the 
repeated  reiteration  of  it  must  insure,  there  is  little  danger  that 
misleading  inferences  will  be  drawn.  Nevertheless,  it  must  be 
added,  data  gathered  from  a  considerable  number  of  examina- 
tions since  those  of  the  initial  study  strongly  suggest  that,  in  re- 
spect to  the  intelligence  factor  at  least,  this  group  may  be  more 
representative  than  in  the  interest  of  strict  accuracy  we  can  as- 
sume. Only  examination  of  a  large  number  of  routine  cases  will 
settle  this  point. 

Table  II  shows  that  more  than  one-half  of  the  cases  inflicted 
visible  and  material  injury  on  society  in  ways  that  have  been 
pointed  out.  In  so  far  as  can  be  judged  from  outward  signs  and 
in  so  far  as  effect  on  persons  can  be  compared  with  effect  on 
society  it  would  appear,  for  this  group  at  least,  that  motherhood 
without  marriage  had  more  disastrous  import  for  society  than  for 
the  mother  herself. 


76 


